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美國獨立宣言與自然法.《獨立宣言》群星朗讀版.青鳥點評 ☆來源:陽明學苑

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2021/7/4

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 青鳥點評

本文層層深入循循善誘對《獨立宣言》的內涵和意義闡發得邏輯嚴密又明白曉暢。美國建國不過200多年,稱雄世界已有百年。許多人將美國的強大歸功於它的制度,尤其是它的法治精神。但美國的各項制度,其合法性都基於其憲法(違憲的制度除外)。美國1787年憲法無疑是偉大的,為後世眾多憲政國家之楷模。但是,美國憲法的合法性來源又是什麼呢?憲法,歸根結底是一紙契約,是制憲會議上各州共同締結的契約,類似于合夥人之間的協議。能夠締結契約就意味著締約之前已經存在權利,也存在締約自由。我們發現,北美十三州獨立自主的締約地位由《獨立宣言》賦予的。如果說憲法是萬法之源,獨立宣言則是憲法之源。那麼,《獨立宣言》的合法性又來自何處呢?《獨立宣言》的合法效力必須來自位階更高的既定法律,如其序言聲明,直接來自于自然法則,《獨立宣言》是史上第一次以正式法律文本的方式重述了自然法的精神。自然之法是自在之法,是至上之法,不需要任何人簽字蓋章投票換文即可生效。因此,《獨立宣言》可謂是一個真正的普世性文本,適用於任何民族宣稱獨立、任何個人宣稱自我權利,無須任何人批准。

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獨立宣言與自然法 

/風靈

今天是7月4日,美國獨立日(Independence Day),也被稱為美國國慶日(NationalDay)。但實際上,這一天只是發佈《獨立宣言》,宣告北美殖民地獨立的紀念日,而非美國的建國紀念日。 

1776年7月4日,北美十三個殖民地正式宣佈獨立,脫離英國統治,成為享有主權的“十三州”。之後並沒有立即建國,直到1787年美國制憲會議在費城召開,制定了美國憲法,1789年憲法生效,美國才算是真正成為了一個主權國家。 

但是,憲法生效的日子,也就是真正的建國之日,1789年3月4日,卻遠不及獨立日這般萬眾矚目受人重視。這是為什麼呢? 

美國建國不過200多年,稱雄世界已有百年。許多人將美國的強大歸功於它的制度,尤其是它的法治精神。但美國的各項制度,其合法性都基於其憲法(違憲的制度除外)。美國1787年憲法無疑是偉大的,為後世眾多憲政國家之楷模。但是,美國憲法的合法性來源又是什麼呢? 

憲法,歸根結底是一紙契約,是制憲會議上各州共同締結的契約,類似于合夥人之間的協議。能夠締結契約就意味著締約之前已經存在權利,也存在締約自由。契約當事人可以獨立自主地選擇締約或不締約(如果不能選擇,就談不上契約了),可以選擇締約的內容和締約的方式,這種權利,是契約本身即憲法所不能賦予的。 

北美十三州獨立自主的締約地位由獨立宣言賦予。如果說憲法是萬法之源,獨立宣言則是憲法之源。 

重溫《獨立宣言》的前言,開宗明義: 

“我們認為下面這些真理是不言而喻的:造物者創造了平等的個人,並賦予他們若干不可剝奪的權利,其中包括生命權、自由權和追求幸福的權利。為了保障這些權利,人們才在他們之間建立政府,而政府之正當權力,則來自被統治者的同意。任何形式的政府,只要破壞上述目的,人民就有權利改變或廢除它,並建立新政府;新政府賴以奠基的原則,得以組織權力的方式,都要最大可能地增進民眾的安全和幸福。”[i] 

《獨立宣言》不能作望文生義的臆想,不是弔民伐罪的檄文,沒有大喊大叫“我要獨立!”“我要分家!”“我要造反!”其最重要的主旨是明確個人與政府的關係,即個人生而平等,生而自由,政府是個人之間為保障權利而設置的制度,是個人實現其目的的工具。

於是,顯而易見,美國至為偉大的憲法也不過是《獨立宣言》的一個實際應用而已,是人民為保障自身的權利,依照獨立宣言的精神,所作出的制度選擇之一。這種選擇在當時固然可稱明智,但絕非唯一,更不神聖。沒有人會把自己選擇或製造的工具看得神聖無比。 

北美十三州獨立之後,長達十三年中,沒有統一的中央政府,而只是鬆散的邦聯。州與州的關係,類似國與國的關係。在獨立宣言的框架下,這十三州或是繼續以鬆散的邦聯形式共存互助,或是建立統一的聯邦,或是建立兩個以上的聯邦,或者制定一部與後來的美國憲法大相徑庭的憲法……都是合法的,都是正當的選擇。後來的立國模式,只是諸多選擇中的一種。 

那麼,《獨立宣言》的合法性又來自何處呢?《獨立宣言》的合法性並不來自大陸會議,當時各州尚未獨立,大陸會議自身法律地位都“妾身未明”,如何賦予《獨立宣言》以效力?從法理上講,是《獨立宣言》將各殖民地(Colonies)變為了各州(States),賦予了各州以自由獨立之主權。故此,《獨立宣言》的合法效力必須來自位階更高的既定法律,如其序言聲明,直接來自于自然法則: 

“在有關人類事務的發展過程中,當一個民族必須解除其和另一個民族之間的政治聯繫,並在世界各國之間依照自然法則和自然神明,取得獨立和平等的地位時,出於對人類公意的尊重,必須宣佈他們不得不獨立的原因。”[ii]

也就是說,《獨立宣言》所宣稱的權利,不是任何人或任何會議或任何契約或條約所創設的,而是不言自明的自然法則,獨立宣言只是重述了這一事實,而非賦權或授權的行為。 

雖然《獨立宣言》深受洛克《政府論》中關於自然權利之論述的影響,但《獨立宣言》是史上第一次以正式法律文本的方式重述了自然法的精神。自然之法是自在之法,是至上之法,不需要任何人簽字蓋章投票換文即可生效。固然《獨立宣言》經過大陸會議批准簽署,但其內在效力並不受此影響。因此,《獨立宣言》可謂是一個真正的普世性文本,適用於任何民族宣稱獨立、任何個人宣稱自我權利,無須任何人批准。 

事實上,《獨立宣言》影響深遠,其前言中所聲明的個人權利、個人與政府的關係,不僅是美國憲法的法源,也可以作為其他憲政國家憲法的法源。他國立憲時,不必要再發佈一份核心精神一致的法律宣言來明確權利與權力、人權與主權之間的關係。(憲法的法源問題,可參考拙作“憲法真偽辯”) 

那麼,至此我們知道,獨立宣言與美國憲法的關係,是思想與制度之間的關係,是科學定理與應用技術之間的關係。獨立宣言體現了北美殖民地人民追求自由的精神,而憲法則是更偏重技術性的操作手冊。 

《獨立宣言》之父、美國第三任總統傑弗遜,辭世於1826年7月4日,恰好是獨立宣言發表50周年紀念日。他親手撰寫了自己的墓誌銘,並留下遺囑,“一個字也不要多”。墓誌銘如下: 

“HERE WAS BURIED THOMAS JEFFERSON AUTHOR OF THE DECLARATION OFAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE OF THE STATUTE OF VIRGINIA FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ANDFATHER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA。”(美國《獨立宣言》作者、《維吉尼亞宗教自由法》作者、以及維吉尼亞大學之父湯瑪斯·傑弗遜長眠於此) 

後人稱道傑弗遜是美國最偉大的總統之一,但當他回顧自己一生的豐功偉績,竟對煌煌總統生涯隻字不提,卻不忘鐫刻上是《獨立宣言》的作者。顯然,對傑弗遜而言,自由思想以及對自由思想的追求才值得永遠銘記稱頌,而總統,不過是在他自己所創造的工具性機構中服役打雜,當一名公僕,又有多少榮耀或驕傲?

[i]中文譯本參見《美國獨立宣言》,維琪百科。

[ii]同上。

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《獨立宣言》群星朗讀版

來源:小花生網 

這是我很喜歡的視頻,最主要裡面有很多我喜歡的明星啊。他們的朗誦,字正腔圓,他們朗誦的文字,是非常優雅美麗的英語。如果你孩子的英語程度已經不錯了,經常看看這樣的資料,會很有説明的。

這個視頻裡有中英文字幕,很不錯的版本。 

美國獨立宣言全文(中英對照)

The Declaration of Independence

When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws Nature and Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that they are among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among them, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than t right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity, which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is usurpations, all having in direct object tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasion on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolution, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsion within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalizing of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condition of new appropriations of lands.

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent of laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their office, and the amount and payment of their salary.

He has erected a multitude of new officers, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out our substances.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation.

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murder which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States.

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;

For imposing taxes on us without our consent;

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury;

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses;

For abolishing the free systems of English laws in a nei***oring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule these Colonies;

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments;

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely parallel in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrection amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petition have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpation, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them., as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled , appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United States Colonies and Independent States; that they are absolved by from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

在人類事務發展的過程中,當一個民族必須解除同另一個民族的聯繫,並按照自然法則和上帝的旨意,以獨立平等的身份立於世界列國之林時,出於對人類輿論的尊重,必須把驅使他們獨立的原因予以宣佈。

我們認為下述真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等,造物主賦予他們若干不可讓與的權利,其中包括生存權、自由權和追求幸福的權利。為了保障這些權利,人們才在他們中間建立政府,而政府的正當權利,則是經被統治者同意授予的。任何形式的政府一旦對這些目標的實現起破壞作用時,人民便有權予以更換或廢除,以建立一個新的政府。新政府所依據的原則和組織其權利的方式,務使人民認為唯有這樣才最有可能使他們獲得安全和幸福。若真要審慎的來說,成立多年的政府是不應當由於無關緊要的和一時的原因而予以更換的。過去的一切經驗都說明,任何苦難,只要尚能忍受,人類還是情願忍受,也不想為申冤而廢除他們久已習慣了的政府形式。然而,當始終追求同一目標的一系列濫用職權和強取豪奪的行為表明政府企圖把人民至於專制暴政之下時,人民就有權也有義務去推翻這樣的政府,並為其未來的安全提供新的保障。這就是這些殖民地過去忍受苦難的經過,也是他們現在不得不改變政府制度的原因。當今大不列顛王國的歷史,就是屢屢傷害和掠奪這些殖民地的歷史,其直接目標就是要在各州之上建立一個獨裁暴政。為了證明上述句句屬實,現將事實公諸於世,讓公正的世人作出評判。

他拒絕批准對公眾利益最有益、最必需的法律。

他禁止他的殖民總督批准刻不容緩、極端重要的法律,要不就先行擱置這些法律直至征得他的同意,而這些法律被擱置以後,他又完全置之不理。

他拒絕批准便利大地區人民的其他的法律,除非這些地區的人民情願放棄自己在自己在立法機構中的代表權;而代表權對人民是無比珍貴的,只有暴君才畏懼它。

他把各州的立法委員召集到一個異乎尋常、極不舒適而有遠離他們的檔案庫的地方去開會,其目的無非是使他們疲憊不堪,被迫就範。

他一再解散各州的眾議院,因為後者堅決反對他侵犯人民的權利。

他在解散眾議院之後,又長期拒絕另選他人,於是這項不可剝奪的立法權便歸由普通人民來行使,致使在這其間各州仍處於外敵入侵和內部騷亂的種種危險之中。

他力圖阻止各州增加人口,為此目的,他阻撓外國人入籍法的通過,拒絕批准其他鼓勵移民的法律,並提高分配新土地的條件。

他拒絕批准建立司法權利的法律,以阻撓司法的執行。

他迫使法官為了保住任期、薪金的數額和支付而置於他個人意志的支配之下。

他濫設新官署,委派大批官員到這裡騷擾我們的人民,吞噬他們的財物。

他在和平時期,未經我們立法機構同意,就在我們中間維持其常備軍。

他施加影響,使軍隊獨立于文官政權之外,並淩駕于文官政權之上。

他同他人勾結,把我們置於一種既不符合我們的法規也未經我們法律承認的管轄之下,而且還批准他們炮製的各種偽法案,以便任其在我們中間駐紮大批武裝部隊;不論這些人對我們各州居民犯下何等嚴重的謀殺罪,他可用加審判來庇護他們,讓他們逍遙法外;他可以切斷我們同世界各地的貿易;未經我們同意便向我們強行徵稅;在許多案件中剝奪我們享有陪審制的權益;以莫須有的罪名把我們押送海外受審;他在一個鄰省廢除了英國法律的自由制度,在那裡建立專制政府,擴大其疆域,使其立即成為一個樣板和合適的工具,以便向這裡各殖民地推行同樣的專制統治;他取消我們的許多特許狀,廢除我們最珍貴的法律並從根本上改變我們各州政府的形式;他終止我們立法機構行使權力,宣稱他們自己擁有在任何情況下為我們制定法律的權力。

他們放棄設在這裡的政府,宣稱我們已不屬他們保護之列,並向我們發動戰爭。

他在我們的海域裡大肆掠奪,蹂躪我們的沿海地區,燒毀我們的城鎮,殘害我們人民的生命。

他此時正在運送大批外國雇傭兵,來從事其製造死亡、荒涼和暴政的勾當,其殘忍與卑劣從一開始就連最野蠻的時代也難以相比,他已完全不配當一個文明國家的元首。

他強迫我們在公海被他們俘虜的同胞拿起武器反對自己的國家,使他們成為殘殺自己親友的劊子手,或使他們死於自己親友的手下。

他在我們中間煽動內亂,並竭力挑唆殘酷無情的印地安蠻子來對付我們邊疆的居民,而眾所周知,印地安人作戰的準則是不分男女老幼、是非曲直,格殺勿論。

在遭受這些壓迫的每一階段,我們都曾以最謙卑的言辭籲請予以糾正。而我們一次又一次的情願,卻只是被報以一次又一次的傷害。

一個君主,其品格被他的每一個只有暴君才幹的出的行為所暴露時,就不配君臨自由的人民。

我們並不是沒有想到我們英國的弟兄。他們的立法機關想把無理的管轄權擴展到我們這裡來,我們時常把這個企圖通知他們。我們也曾把我們移民來這裡和在這裡定居的情況告訴他們。我們曾懇求他們天生的正義感和雅量,念在同種同宗的分上,棄絕這些掠奪行為,因為這些掠奪行為難免會使我們之間的關係和來往中斷。可他們對這種正義和同宗的呼聲也同樣充耳不聞。因此,我們不得不宣佈脫離他們,以對待世界上其他民族的態度對待他們:同我交戰者,就是敵人;同我和好者,即為朋友。

因此我們這些在大陸會議上集會的美利堅合眾國的代表們,以各殖民地善良人民的名義,並經他們授權,向世界最高裁判者申訴,說明我們的嚴重意向,同時鄭重宣佈:

我們這些聯合起來的殖民地現在是,而且按公理也應該是,獨立自由的國家;我們對英國王室效忠的全部義務,我們與大不列顛王國之間大不列顛一切政治聯繫全部斷絕,而且必須斷絕。

作為一個獨立自由的國家,我們完全有權宣戰、締和、結盟、通商和採取獨立國家有權採取的一切行動。

我們堅定地信賴神明上帝的保佑,同時以我們的生命、財產和神聖的名譽彼此宣誓來支持這一宣言。 

 

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