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2021/9/22

萬隆書院（萬院）—瓦解殖民地球接地氣的全球運倡議

Bandung School (BS)—A drift proposal for a global movement for decolonizing the earth

發起人（Initiatorsw)：Mahmood Mamdani (Global Intellectual, Honored President of the Kampala International U, Chair Prof. Columbia U, former Dirctor of the Makere Insitute, Makerere U), Aturo Escorba (Prof. Of UNC, theorist, activist against globalization), Firdous Azim (Prof of BRAC U, member of the Nariproko activist women’s group), Tejaswini Niranjana (Director of Inter-Asia Center, Ahmebabad U, former Chair of Lingnan U’s Cultural Studies Dept, Co-Fouder of the Center for the Study of Culture and Society, Bangalore, India),  Jomo K.S. (Global Intellectual, Former Assistant General Secretary, UN, formerProf. Of Economics, U of Malaysia),Markos Takle (Ethiopian Member of the African Union, Ambassador to Egypt, Ambessador at Large, Foamier Embassedor to Japan) 

共同提案人（Co-Initiators)：Itakaki Yuzo (activist intellectual of Islamic moment, Prof. Of Tokyo U and Economics U), Muto Ichiyo (People’s Plan Studies Group, Actisit Intllectual, writer, organizer and creator of many social movement organizations), Partha Chatterjee (Prof., Columbia U, former Director of the Studies of Sciences, Calcutta, actor, writer), Geeta Kapur (lordly known artist, editor, writer, and curator) Ruperts Lewis (Professor, Center for Carribbean Thought), Monica Brachman (Federal U, Brazil, UN Consultant, activist), Ashis Nandy (Global Intellectual, Former Directo fo the Center of Development, writer and activist),  Chua Beng Huat (Leading global intellectual, Provost Professor, National U of Singapore), Geert Lovink (Founding Figure of Digital Studies and artist), Jack Qiu (Leading Scholar of critical digital studies, National U of Singapore Prof, active intellectual), Itti Abraham (Chair, SEA Dept, NUformer SSRC staff), (Surichai Wan’Gao (Director of Peace Studies Institute, Chularlongkong U, activist), Ashwana Shama (London School of Arts, editor, writer, activist), Martin Jacques (Prof., writer, reporter, producer), Michael Hardt (Duke U, theorist, activist), Ralph Stilinger (Duke U, activist scholar), Hassan Hagers (Melbourne U, activist intellectual), Ensen Ho (Duke U and NUS, Leo Ching (Duke U, organizer), Asu Aksoy (Prof, curator, artist),  Choi Wanshik (Prof Emeritus of Ichon U, foamier editor of Creation and Criticism, Founder of the Korean Literature Museum, writer, historian, commentary),  Tong Genshik (Minister of Peace and Unification, South Korea, Prof. Of Seoul National U, Former Executive of the Democracy Foundation), Cho Heeyeon, Director of the Seoul City Bureau of Education, Professor of SungKongHoe University; organizer and creator of many civi organizations); Ashish Radjayasha (Independent Scholar, curator, editor, writing, Founding Member of the Center for the Study of Culture and Society, Bangalore, India); Isao Nakasato 仲里效(Known Okinawa Photograher, editor, writer, activist), Koto Mitutoshi (Banker, critical intellectual), 吉見俊哉Yoshimi Shunya (Prof, and foamier Vice President of Tokyo U), Minoru Iwasaki (VP of Tokyo U of Foreign Languages, philosopher, activist), Wang Xiaoming 王曉明 (Lu Sun Scholar; Shanghai U Professor); Hu Daping 胡大平 (Dean of Maxist School, Najing U), Huang Ping 黃平 (Directior of Sino-US Studies, Euopean Studies, Sociology, writer, former PRC thinktank member), Wang Zhongcheng 王中忱 (Co-Director of Advance Studies, former chair of Chinese Literature, Tsing Hua U), Cui Zhiyuan 崔之元 (Co-Directore of Advane Studies, Tsing Hua U, former think tank member), Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,  Qu Jindong (Executive Director, Center for Advance Studies, Peking U), 高士明 Gao Shiming (President of China Academy of Arts, curators and writer), 顏坤泉 Yan Kun-chuan (左翼聯盟總召, Chair of the Alliance of the Left), ), Yunnan Chu 朱雲漢 (Member of the Academia Sinica, Prof. Of National Taiwan U, President of the Chiang Chingkuo Foundation and Zhong Liu Foundation), Shih-wei Shu 舒詩偉（Editor, writer, agrarian movement organizer, independent researcher), Ray Jiin 井迎瑞 (前電影資料館館長former Foamier Director of the Film Archive, Taiwan; Professor of Southern Art U)；Hang Jisiang 黃志翔 (CEO Left Culuture Company 列夫特文化負責人, known TV dram series producer, writer, editor, novelist, film maker)；Su Wei-shuo (psychiatrist, movement organizers, writers), He Zhaotian賀照田 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, editor, writer, organizer), Lyn Ossome (Prof, and Former Acting Chair, Makerere U, Uganda), Naifei ding 丁乃非 (feminist, Founding figure of Taiwan’s queer movement, National Central U Prof.), Rachimi Diyh Larasati (Minnesota U, curator, dancer and writer), Melani Budianta (Prof., U of Indonesia, activist) 

Draftig and Working Team: Noer Rachman (Leader of Agarian Movement, Foamier Indoneisan State staff of the President’s Office, Global Bandung School Initiator); Hilmar Farid (Leader of People’s/ Intellectual Movement, General Director of Culture and Education, Chair of President’s Thanktank); 陳光興 Chen Kuan-Hsing (Organizer) 

目的 Goal

在世界各地設立萬隆書院，藉以串連在地批判圈，以葛蘭西寧靜革命的模式，重建思想方式，瓦解殖民大地。因此全球書院的建立旨在當代的語境中挖掘、回到固有思想中「萬事萬物皆平等、解放眾生、解放全人類、解放地球」的世界觀，改造苦難的大地，解救蒼生。

To establish locally grounded Bandung School (BS) in different parts of the world is to link local critical circles in the form of a Grmascian passive/silent revolution, so that mode of knowledge and thought can be reconstructed to decolonize the earth. Therefore, the goal of the BS is to, in the contemporary context, return to and rediscover the worldview of the known ideas of “Everything is equal; liberating multitudes, humanities and the earth” to reshape wretched of the battered earth.

1980年代末期，随着全球冷战的逐渐式微，我們承繼前輩們篳路藍縷的工作，試圖在亞洲鄰近地地區（南亞、东南亞、東北亞、西亞），将分散的思想界重新聯结起来，克服殖民、帝国主義与冷戰所造成的多重分化与阻隔，尋求新的團結與帶之可能。自九0年代初期起，開始聯結亞洲各地的思想界，通過《亞際文化研究：運動》（Inter-Asia Cultural Studies: Movements；2020-）國際刊物二十多年的運作，與兩岸共同出版《人間思想》（（2012-），我们慢慢搭建起一個開放的知識網絡，以學術講座、會議、暑期班、書籍出版等形式，推動持續性的思想交流和知識積累。2006年，東亞刊物會議正式，这是第一个亚洲批判知识分子的思想聯動平台。2010年我们更進一步啟動“西天中土”計畫，推動印度与中国之間的社会思想對話。两年后，我們發起“亚洲现代思想”計畫，将亞洲各地一起工作的知識機構連接起来，成立亞洲思想界連带組織亞際書院（Inter-Asia School）。

Towards the end of the 1980s, as the Cold War waned globally, we began to take on the work of the pioneers who had tried to connect the divided circles of thoughts throughout Asia, from South and Southeast Asia to Northeast Asia and West Asia, to overcome the divisions and blockage imposed by colonialism, imperialism, and the Cold War, and seek new opportunities to rebuild solidarity. Since the early 1990s, through Inter-Asia Cultural studies: Movements an international journal that has operated more than 20 years, and Renjian Thought Review, an intellectual journal published in both Taiwan and China, we have gradually built up an open network of knowledge, which facilitated ongoing exchange of thought and knowledge in the forms of lectures, conferences, summer schools, and publications. In 2006, we launched the “East Asian Conference of Critical Journals;” it is the first platform to connect critical intellectuals throughout Asia. In 2010, we initiated the “West Heavens” project to encourage intellectual dialogue between India and China. Two years later, we founded the Modern Asian Thought Project, trying to connect up intellectual institutions in different parts of Asia through the platform of Inter-Asia School.

1955年於印尼萬隆舉行的歷史性亞非高峰會議，改變了世界的格局，突破了美蘇兩大陣營的壟斷，正式開啓了以亞非拉為想像的第三世界道路，今天的「一帶一路」與六十年來的積累高度相關，延續著「和平共處」五原則。這個從第三世界出發改造世界的方案，對全球性學術思想界提出的挑戰是：如何在知識上聯結亞非拉、加勒比海各地逐步形成的批判傳統，通過連帶、相互學習，藉此瓦解（延續至今的）知識殖民世界？亞際書院於2015年推出了「萬隆／第三世界六十年」系列論壇，企圖重新展開的正是這個延宕了六十年的知識計劃。作為「一帶一路民間版」的「亞際計劃」(Inter-Asia Project)，在從一九九0年代初期起至今二十餘年實踐的摸索中，成為重新嫁接第三世界國際主義思想路線的基礎。

The Bandung Conference of 1955 changed the frame of the world, as it broke away from the Cold War monopolies of the US and Soviet Union, and officially initiated the Third World line of thought based on an imagination of Asian-African-Latin American alliance. The “belt and road” initiatives have much to do with the accumulation of this line of thought in the last sixty years, extending the five principles of “peaceful coexistence” proposed by China. The challenge for the global intellectual circle, based on this Third Worldist view for transforming the world, is: how do we connect up the critical traditions in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean, and liberate the world from western intellectual colonization through solidarity and mutual learning? The Inter-Asia School launched a series of for a in 2015 to re-initiate this intellectual project that has been stalling for sixty years. The “Inter-Asia Project” can be considered as the “popular version” of the Belt and Road initiative, and based on the modest effort of the last 20 years, it hopes to establish a foundation for extending the Third Worldist line of internationalism.

為了恢復改變世界格局的1955年萬隆會議的精神，亞際書院在亞洲各地推動「萬隆／第三世界六十年」計劃，思考「第三世界」在過去一甲子之中的變化、當下的意義，探索其再生的可能性。

In order to restore the spirit of the 1955 Bandung Conferece, Inter-Asia School initiated a project called “Sixty Years of Bandung/Third World” in different Asian sites, to reflect on how the meanings of the Third World have changed in the last sixty years and how may they be reborn.

1955年4月18至24日，亞洲與非洲近三十個國家的領導人，有史以來首次在沒有歐美殖民帝國參與的情況下，聚集在印尼萬隆，召開極具世界史意義的大會，以「不結盟運動」（Non-Aligned Movement）的形式團結起來，在美蘇霸權之外另闢蹊徑，開啟前殖民地區團結的道路。

In 1955, from April 18 to 24, nearly 30 leaders from Asian and African countries gathered in Bandung, Indonesia, to attend a conference without the participation of European and American colonial empires. This conference has world historical meanings because it created the “non-aligned movement,” to foster the solidarity among previous colonies, independent of Soviet and American hegemonies.

從現在的眼光來看，萬隆會議或許不過是弱國之間在國際關係上的一個活動，很難體會它所造成的至今沒有釐清的深遠影響。它在世界不同的角落中產生了難以捕捉的力道，不被討論但又顯而易見的問題是：萬隆峰會一方面結束了美蘇建立起的二元對立霸權結構，一方面也加速了社會主義陣營內部的分化，最終走向蘇聯所領導的社會主義地區的瓦解，這段歷史需要被重新深究。除次之外，以下舉幾個幾點說明:

From today’s perspective, the Bandung Conference may be seen as merely an international activity of the weak countries, but that perspective totally missed the point. It created an impact in different corners of the world and presented an obvious, though difficult, question for us: the Bandung Conference ended the dualist structure of hegemony but it also accelerated the division within the socialist camp, leading up to the decomposition of the socialist world led by Soviet Union. How this happened requires further study. But there are other impacts, as follows, that are worthy of consideration: 

1.對會議主辦國而言，印尼國父蘇卡諾憑藉著「打群架」的底氣宣誓停止償還殖民宗祖國荷蘭脅迫下的財政債務，同時助長了左翼勢力，最終導致以美國為首的新帝國主義利用冷戰格局在1965-66年以蘇哈托為代理人屠殺了數以百萬計的共黨人士，鎮壓了中國以外亞洲最大的左翼勢力，直接影響到世界格局的變動，使共產國際運動頓失主要支柱，是為蘇東波的前提。

First, for the organizer of the Conference, the founding father of Indonesia Soekarno refused to pay the debts coerced by its colonizer, the Netherland, and encouraged the left-wing forces, which ultimately led to the killing of millions of communists under the Soeharto regime in 1965-66, which entrenched the Cold War structure led by US neo-imperialism. This massacre repressed the left-wing forces in Indonesia, which was arguably the largest in Asia besides China, and has direct impact on the making of world order, as it became the precondition of the collapse of the socialist bloc. 

2.同樣的，埃及總統納瑟(Nassir)在會議次年的1956年作出舉世震驚的決定，將英法強權瓜分佔領的蘇黎世運河國有化，英法聯軍強勢入侵，是為以英國新左派為代表誕生的直接因素：前／殖民地分子（如Stuart Hall、Charles Taylor等）介入倫敦左翼政治，開闢出新左翼陣營，左批蘇聯入侵匈牙利，右打英法佔領埃及，開展出政黨政治以外的民眾運動空間。

Second, Egyptian president Nassir made a world stunning decision in 1956 to nationalize the Suez Canal which led to the invasion of the British and French allied forces. This event is a prominent factor for the birth of the British New Left: intellectuals from Britain’s formal colonies (such as Stuart Hall and Charles Taylor) intervened in left wing politics in London, critiquing the Soviet invasion of Hungary on the one hand and the British-French occupation of Egypt on the other, creating a popular space of critique outside party politicking. 

3.對中國大陸，周恩來總理參與的萬隆會議是中國在美蘇兩大勢力之外試圖聯合、領導世界弱小國家走向社會主義世界革命的重要事件，突破美國新帝國主義的封鎖重新與世界接軌，成為第三世界長期的精神依託，至今仍對中國共產黨抱有的巨大期待，阿爾巴尼亞提案，更是中國大陸1970年代重返聯合國成為的主要支持者。

Third, Prime Minister of China Zhou Enlai’s participation in the Bandung Conference is crucial. Minor countries hoped to break through US-Soviet monopolies toward socialist revolution and they looked at China and the Chinese Communist Party as a beacon of hope. Albania made a proposal to the United Nations to welcome the PRC into the United Nations. It support was crucial to China’s return to the United Nations in the 1970s. 

4.對位居東南亞的新、馬地區，萬隆效應在於內部跨越種族差異的團結，創造了華人政治認同轉向的契機，開始向當地國家的效忠。

For Singapore and Malaysia, the Bandung Conference effected in the cross-racial unity, creating an opportunity for Chinese in Southeast Asia to identify with and swear allegiance to the local polities. 

5.對於非洲大陸整體，八年後1963年「非洲統合組織」(Organization of African Unity)的成立，反殖民運動領導人在伊索比亞首都阿迪斯阿貝巴聚首，三天會議中決議擺開歐美殖民主切割出來民族國家的爭議，以泛非主義(pan-Africanism)的理念尋求更高層次的統合，經過38年努力在2001年正式成立非盟(African Union)成為非洲（目前還處於弱勢狀態）的中央政府。在大勢無法阻擋的情況下，為干擾殖民地的獨立，歐洲宗主國提出了償還長期建設經費的戰略，在經濟層次上獲取暴利，同時繼續控制新政府，至今尚未終止。例如法國在非洲大陸14國仍然在收取殖民稅，外表終結的殖民主義，所謂 「切斷臍帶」 (delinking) 的後殖民世界轉化成新殖民主義的政經遙控，殖民母國與殖民地的深層關係。誰說殖民主義已經結束了呢？深受全球思想界推崇的法國理論家，又如何能夠對殖民稅一事身事外嗎？第三世界學界又如何能如此輕易地崇拜以法國為中心的歐洲理論？

In Africa, the Africa Union was established in 1963, eight years after the Bandung Conference, where anticolonial leaders met in Addis Baba, the capital of Ethiopia, and decided to overcome the division of nation-states by seeking a higher level unity in the name of Pan-Africanism. After 38 years of effort, African Union, while still weak, has become the central government of Africa. When African independence became unstoppable, European colonizers demanded African countries to pay off the debt for infrastructure as a way to exploit revenues from Africa and stop it from gaining complete independence. For instance, even today, the French government is still collecting colonial tax from fourteen countries in Africa. Colonialism may seem to have ended, but in reality the hope for delinking has transformed into a form of remote control, deeply connecting the colonizers and the colonized. In what ways can we claim that colonialism has ended? In what ways can French philosophers who are embraced for their liberating ideas be disconnected from the fact of colonial tax? In what ways can Third World intellectuals embrace continental theory, often based in French philosophy, without a second thought? 

6.不為人知的是：歐盟的成立其實遠遠晚於非洲統合組織的構想，但是在世界知識構造中歐洲中心主義的廣泛散布下，以為只有歐洲具有超越的視野與氣度，卻忽略了其實不過是被迫調整自身發明、走不下去、自私自利、危害世界至今的「民族國家」裝置，它本身是歐洲「現代」世界觀的一環，以個人主義為底座的自由主義制度安排呼應：自由、民主、科學成為第三世界代理人所散布的現代化良方，以「德先生、賽先生」為旗幟的五四運動也是中國「自我殖民化」(self-colonization)的始作俑者──雖然當時發動運動的語境鼓吹德赛先生的動因極其複雜，思想界不同接軌的動力與方式需要更為細膩的對待，此處無意一竿子打翻一條船，旨在在指出的長期效應──至今成為第三世界自由主義的神主牌位，以歐洲中心主義所謂普世價值的規範性思維方式，以線性的「進步」史觀入侵各地（左右派皆然），在一個世紀中形成思想與政治運作霸權，不僅污名化、摧毀世界各地長期生成「接地氣」的民眾世界觀，把老祖宗的積累全盤否定打成「封建」、保守、迷信，而這些高等（華人）人士不自覺的成為思想買辦，唾棄民眾（農民）千年來形成自主的生命韻律，第三世界虛妄的自由派不自覺的成為帝國主義的開路先鋒。不願正視自由主義與殖民帝國主義的內在聯繫，一己之私、打短線討好民眾的政黨政治與拋棄神明信仰的科學主義，丈量一切，打開日後影響深遠以兩黨、多黨議會民主的空間，成為評價各地是否民主的基本思維；於是切斷自身與歷史脈絡，無視生民經驗，瓦解「天下」，禍害無窮。如何打開五四的民主科學，以及而後一直以現代化、發展為依歸的教條主義，所處的不可撼動質疑的位置，重新在民眾生活中找回屬於我們的多元世界觀，仍是當前中文／亞洲／第三世界思想界的核心問題。

In reality, people have ignored the fact that the establishment of the European Union is far later than the conception of an African Union. But the global dissemination of the Eurocentric mode of knowledge has made us believe that only Europe has the vision and capacity to overcome nation-state divisions, while in reality it was forced to adjust itself, otherwise the self-interested apparatus of the nation-state will only wreck havoc in Europe and draw the world down with it. By calling the nation-state an apparatus, I am invoking European modernity as an institutional setup that is based upon the imagination of liberal individualism, armed by such notions as liberty, democracy, and science, which have been adopted by Third World countries as the remedies for modernization. China’s May Fourth Movement that held high the slogans of Science and Democracy is an original story of self-colonization. Of course the contexts of the May Fourth Movement was more complicated than I can explain here, and the ways and dynamic in which different intellectual circles are articulated need to be attended with care—I only intend to point out that the long term effect of colonization is real. Even today, Eurocentric universal values and normative thinking remain unchallenged as a gospel of Third World liberalism, and its linear “progressivism” has penetrated everywhere, forming an intellectual and political hegemony over a century of time, which not only stigmatizes and destroyed the inherited worldview of the people but also denounced locally grown traditions accumulated over generations as “feudal, conservative, and superstitious.” These higher-ranked (Chinese) people unconsciously became intellectual compradors, denying and disdaining the autonomous rhythm of life formed by the (rural) people over a thousand years. These Third World liberals have become the running dogs of imperialism. Reluctant to face up to the internal connections between liberalism and colonial imperialism, they, for selfish reasons, lean towards party politics to cater to the people and towards scientism to abandon religion. As a result, bipartisan or multi-party democracy has been regarded as the measurement of democracy, which cuts the Third World off from their historical contexts, ignoring the experience of the people, dissolving the “heaven and earth” of their being, to endless tragedies. How to reengage with Mr. Democracy and Mr. Science of the May Fourth Movement, as well as the dogmas of modernization and development that followed, and allow the people to retrieve their multiple world views, remains a dominant problemtic of contemporary Chinese/Asian/Third World circle of thought. 

7.港台地區與南韓、沖繩、日本本島等地，在冷戰初期被編入資本主義陣營，萬隆效應在這些地方缺席，造成極為深遠的影響：第三世界意識沒法生長，半世紀形成「親美反共」的冷戰意識形態，阻絕了創造在世界範圍內前／殖民地之間相互認同、相互支援的世界觀的契機，特別是在學術思想上造成對美、歐體系的依賴，延續至今所形成的港台地區內在的自我殖民歐美中心主義，成為難以克服、調整的巨大障礙。如何在各地重建第三世界視野，在歷經萬隆會議灌溉土壤的國度——如印尼、印度、非洲、阿拉伯世界、中國大陸——重新喚起流失中的第三世界意識，再次關注萬隆會議所開啟、至今遺留下來未完成的知識計畫——將目光轉向亞、非、拉、加勒比海地區，與各地的（民間）思想界進行交流、互動與學習——是我們推動重訪萬隆精神的基本動力。 

Places like Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, Okinawa and Japan mainland have been incorporated into the the camp of Capitalism in the earliest moment of the Cold War formation, so that Bandung effects were either lesser or absent, but the impacts long lasting: Third World consciousness has had no soil to grow and “pro-US/anti-communism”became the dominant Cold War ruling ideology, blocking out the momentum for creating the worldview of mutual understanding, identification and support among the former colonies. Especially through academic institutions, dependency on the Euro-US has continued present day self-colonized Europ-US centrum, which is most difficult to overcome or a gigantic barrier to readjust. How to reopen and recreate a Third World horizon of thought on all levels and in most places and learn from national spaces such as Africa, India, Indonesia, Arabic world, and mainland China, India—to call for a Third World consciousness and to be concerned once again the incomplete intellectual projects left over by the Bandung Conference, ie., to turn our eyes on Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and Latin America, and to interact with the local and regional circles of thought. This is our basic motives for revisiting the Bandung spirits and practices.

上面極為簡化的體會來自於2015年亞際書院展開了相關的工作。2月7至8日我們與印度科欽藝術雙年展合作，繼續推動亞際雙年展的思想論壇，其中以圓桌討論的方式揭開了「萬隆／第三世界六十年」的系列活動；4月18至20日間在中國美術學院象山校區舉辦了較大規模的杭州論壇，邀集亞、非、拉、加勒比海地區重要的思想者進行了兩天密集的討論，與會同仁深受衝擊，期待今後逐步打開通往第三世界思想界的管道；5月30至31日在香港嶺南大學舉辦的東亞批判刊物會議中，設置了圓桌討論的場次，與白樂晴先生共同討論新情勢下的第三世界連帶；7月31日於東京明治大學駿河台校區，前輩運動家武藤一羊先生以「從萬隆到德班」為題主講他的亞洲與第三世界連帶經驗；8月9日，在印尼於2015亞際文化研究學會中組織「萬隆／第三世界六十年」泗水圓桌論壇，會後10至15日在萬隆、牙律地區考查農民占領運動與更為寬廣的人民運動聯盟；10月24至25日在台北進行了兩天論壇，讓年輕一代能夠對萬隆會議的歷史有所認識，也希望能夠挖掘、連上台灣內部戰後已經存在的第三世界思想資源；11月13至15日在那霸聚會，結合戰後藝術史的討論，以參訪美術館、反美軍基地運動與圓桌論壇的形式開了三天的會。2016的後續活動中，聖公會大學東亞研究所規劃以民眾音樂為媒介，在首爾聚集了亞洲各地長期處身運動的歌手，配合著討論，進行交流；台北也將結合各地民間藝術與思想工作者，在台北、新竹、嘉義、台南、高雄同步進行四個月的「異次元世界」展演方案。

With these rather simplified reflections and intuitions, Inter-Asia School developed relevant works. From February to August, 2016, we created the following programs: 1. to collaborate with Kochi Arts triennial to continue and initiate the intellectual forms done in the Inter-Asia arts biannuals in the form of round-tables to inaugurate the “Bandung/Third World 60 years”series. 2. From April 18-20, matching the dates of the 1955 Bandung conference, we hosted a larger Hongzhou Forum, inviting important thinkers from the Third World to intensely share critical analyses of the world in transformation. 3. In May 30 and 31, East Asian Critical Journals Conference was held in Lingnan University, Hong Kong, for roundtable discussions, keynoted by Prof. Paik Nakchung for the new conjecture for Third World solidarity. 5. On July 31, in Tokyo’s Meji University, senior activist intellectual Muto Ichiyo delivered a speech on “From Bandung to Durban”to historicize his half-century long experience of Asia and third World solidarity.6. On August 9, a Surabaya roundtable took place within the Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Society Conference; afterwards, from 10-15, a field trip was organized to visit Garu and Bandung to study the occupy movement and the the wider Alliance of the Poular Movement, with the support of Noer Rachman and Hilmar Fard, leading activist intellectuals. 7. On October 24 and 35, a public forum was hosted to speak to the younger intellectuals for deepen the historical understanding of the Bandung Conference and to connect it with the internal sources of thought. From November 13-15, We gathered together in Okinawa, articulating postwar art history with anti-US base movement, we organized three day forum. 8. Other activities took place in Taipei, Hsinchu, Chiayi, Tainan and Kaohsiung under the umbrella of “Another World.”

除了上述同仁主動推進的活動外，4月10日有幸在造訪黎巴嫩貝魯特期間拜訪了剛剛成立三年的獨立民間團體「阿拉伯社會科學委員會」（Arab Council for the Social Sciences, ACSS），之後又在6月8至12日受邀至西非塞內加爾達卡參加1973年成立至今的「非洲社會科學發展委員會」（）的第十四屆三年一度的大會，希望未來能打開始與非洲思想界互動的空間。

In addition to these activities, we had the fortune to visit the newly founded indecent organization, Arab Council for the Social Sciences, ACSS), and then from June 8 to 12, we were invited to join the Congress of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, CODESRIA, with the hope that Africa-Asia link can be created for the critical circles of thought.

這些行動個讓我們認識到：萬隆會議在當時確確實實造成了至今無法捕捉的影響，它的感染力散布在許多角落裡的那一代有心人身上，以不同的形式轉化成大大小小的動力。隨著那一代人的隕落，萬隆效應似乎慢慢散去，但又似乎如幽靈一般時不時地以不同的面貌漂浮出來。奇怪的是它不構成一種鄉愁，確又是一種依託，以永遠沒法到達、沒法完成、又沒法拋開的進行式牽引著那些曾經受它感染的人們。至少對知識人而言，它還是一個沒有完成的知識計畫與思想方案，不可能就此鬆手，因為通往世界史具有解釋力的知識路徑還在形成。在此與這條路上相知相惜的朋友們共勉之。

Participations in these actions in motion have made us realize that Bandung Conference in its own moment of history has generated long lasting but not fully catchable impacts; its emotional touches had since then disseminated in different corners for that generation, in different forms transforming into all kinds of energies. With the coming and going of that, can we call, Bandung generation, Bandung effects seem to have dissipated but nevertheless become like ghost in different moments, places and forms to assert themselves. Strangely enough, though it does not constitute a nostalgia, it is something to hold onto. Its unreachable, incomplete and undisposable, lingering around to continue to guide those who were touched by it. To say the least, for intellectuals, it is an incomplete intellectual project, ie. to learn from each other about the sources and modes of thought growing out of local histories, largely because the route for the most powerful explanation of the world is still being shaped. Let us, like minded comrades to hold our hands together to move forward.    

變動中的世界: 從「民族國家」中解放出來 World in radical transitions: Divesting the Modern Nation-States

2015年是1955年萬隆會議60周年。在過去的60年裡，世界發生了巨大的變化。至此，著名的金磚四國（巴西、俄羅斯、印度、中國和南非）已成為世界經濟的驅動力：萬隆會議舉辦地印度尼西亞明顯處於東南亞區域經濟增長的火車頭。簡言之，社會主義與前社會主義國家、前殖民和前/第三世界國家似乎已經成為"全球資本主義"的先鋒。所以必須反思世界正在改變的歷史、軌跡和條件這些崛起的經濟體，有著革命和反帝國主義的過去，能夠創造新的運作形式來打破資本主義的征服和剝削邏輯，還是僅僅複製它們所反對的？如果當前局勢的複雜性要求我們超越任何一種理解，萬隆及其精神的遺產是什麼？可以動員起來，設想為建設一個更美好的世界而建立新的團結形式？ 更智慧地來說，我們得整理不同地點不斷變化的知識生產條件。在取得一定程度的自治後，我們現在更有能力連接和重新連接位於（前）第三世界的關鍵思想圈（過去60年成長的地方和區域形成），以形成不同的知識生產模式嗎？使命是一直繼續思考如何發展不同的知識模式和系統，以解釋和應對生活世界在不同抽象層面的複雜性。

2015 marks the 60^th anniversary of the 1955 Bandung Conference. Over the past 60 years, the world has been reshaped greatly. By now, the celebrated BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) have become the driving engines of world economy; and Indonesia, where the Bandung Conference was held, is visibly on the forefront of the Southeast Asia regional economic growth. In short, ex/socialist, ex/colonized and ex/third world countries seem to have emerged as the vanguard of “global capitalism”.  Are these rising economies, with a revolutionary and anti-imperialist past, able to create new forms of operation to break the conquering and exploitative logics of capitalism, or simply reproducing what they were fighting against? If the complexities of the current situations demand us to move beyond an either/or understanding, what are the legacies of the Bandung and its spirits, which can be mobilized to imagine new forms of solidarity for a better world? On a more intellectual level, we are interested in sorting out the changing conditions of knowledge production in diverse locations. Having achieved certain degree of autonomy, are we now better equipped to connect and reconnect critical circles of thought (local and regional formations growing in the past 60 years) located in the (ex) third world to forge different modes of knowledge production? How to develop different modes and systems of knowledge to account for and confront the complexity of the living world on different levels of abstraction has been and will continue to be the mission.

自2015年起提案成立萬隆書院，希望承繼萬隆遺產，這個是從反殖民鬥爭中存活下來的精神資產，在世界歷史的當下，繼續塑造這個學校或前/殖民地，即現代民族國家的形式。在進入批判性討論之前，讓我首先預告萬隆避免誤解的極大重要性。萬隆1955年開闢了一個世界觀，除非從「亞非-拉丁美洲」的互動地點建設世界歷史的政治知識專案已經完成，否則不可能留下。正是在不完整的工程的陰影下，"全球南方"的非殖民化任務直接或間接地繼承和延續了萬隆精神，朝著解放形式設想的批判性的普遍主義前進。然而，現在也許時機已經成熟，可以停下來，批判性地思考萬隆闡述中所蘊含的問題，以便向前邁進。借用加桑·哈奇最近的作品，反殖民主義一直以「反」的反對模式進行，沒有自覺地貫徹殖民主義運動組織原則：因此，它目前是有效的，但從長遠來看，不能超越其極限，創造真正的替代方案，他稱之為"改變政治"。  高潮可以說是萬隆會議（然後是不結盟運動），在那裡表達了對民族獨立的渴望，得到肯定和確認：與此同時，現代民族國家的形式也得到了鞏固，從此成為帝國征服力量所定義的不可挑戰的"常識"，現在被前殖民者和前殖民者所接受。用韓國思想家白樂晴的表達方式，我們積極邀請自己採納現代民族國家的精神。   我們繞道而行，在萬隆之前和之後簽署現代民族國家暴力形成的一般（如果不是普遍的）傾向，以便打開空間，如果你願意，開始撤資，"現代""國家""國家"（或"現代民族國家"），不是概念理論類別，而是精神力量在過去一百到一百五十年投資。我認為，最近關於後遺症或後國家主義的簡單性不會為向前邁進提供新的見解。我們需要首先認識到第三世界民族主義反對帝國主義和殖民主義（"反"政治"）的關鍵和解放力量，作為我們反思的假設，然後通過重新審視歷史來審視鬥爭中蘊含的問題，從而尋找有根據的替代方案（"變革的政治"），並同時投入到不迴避精神能量的深度。

The problem is, to put simply, before and after the Bandung, the formation of the modern nation-state in the history of Euro-American and the Third World spaces has been unambiguously violent, physically and psychically. This was equally true for the countries in Asia. In the course of the Partition of India and Pakistan (1947), the making of “two Chinas” on the two sides of the Taiwan Straits (1949), the division system established in North Korea and South Korea (1953), the separation of Singapore and Malaysia (1965), and the American occupation of Okinawa (1945-72) separating it from mainland Japan, the inevitable violence was, on the one hand, the result of internal struggles for political power among different political and/or ethnic groups, and the continuation of racist policies of separation left over from prewar times; on the other hand, the international Cold War in which capitalism confronted communism brought about civil wars within nation-states, in which one faction attempted to wipe out the other in the course of consolidating political control over power. The Jeju Uprising in Korea (1948), the 228 [February 28] Incident (1947) and the White Terror (1950s) in Taiwan, the massacres in Indonesia (1965-66), the Anti-Rightist Movement in China (1957), and the Malaysia’s anti-communist struggles (1950s-1988), all testified to the mutual articulation of the historical complexity and continuity of pre-war colonialism and the Cold War. These events left the local populations in states of anxiety, and led to the situations in which political taboos could not be discussed in public. In turn, the generational gaps between those born before and after the aforementioned events, as well as the communal segregation between different groups, have become underlying causes of conflict and contradiction within the “nation”.

In the 1990s, as the influence of the Cold War waned, issues such as state violence, racial discrimination, anti-communism, massacres and other formerly taboo subjects gradually resurfaced in different forms in society. Officially suppressed “history” reappeared in the form of shared memories, which were spoken, and written, taking the form of interviews, film, audio recordings and literature. The question arose among intellectuals of how to deal with these memories as a way of understanding and accepting history, and as a prerequisite for moving forward. There is certain ironic truth to the notion, “the winners get to write history, the losers can only compose poetry and memoirs,” which put the difference between history and memory on the agenda to be debated and problematized.

在以上陳述的背景下，現在準備擴大成立萬隆書院，萬隆精神的遺產是從反殖民鬥爭中繼承下來的，在世界歷史的當下，理當重新思想繼續前/殖民地揮之不去的厄運，即現代民族國家的形式。在進入批判性討論之前，讓我首先預告萬隆避免誤解的極大重要性。萬隆1955年開闢了一個世界觀，除非從「亞非拉」的互動地點建設世界歷史的政治知識方案已經完成，否則不可能留下。正是在不完整的工程的陰影下，"全球南方"的非殖民化任務直接或間接地繼承和延續了萬隆精神，朝著解放形式設想的批判性的普遍主義前進。然而，現在也許時機已經成熟，可以停下來，批判性地思考萬隆闡述中所蘊含的問題，以便向前邁進。借用加黎巴嫩裔的理論家桑·哈奇（Ghassan Hage最近的作品，反殖民主義一直以「反」的反對模式進行，沒有自覺地貫徹殖民主義運動組織原則：因此，它目前是有效的，但從長遠來看，不能超越其極限，創造真正的替代方案，他稱之為"改變政治"。 高潮可以說是萬隆會議（然後是不結盟運動），在那裡表達了對民族獨立的渴望，得到肯定和確認：與此同時，現代民族國家的形式也得到了鞏固，從此成為帝國征服力量所定義的不可挑戰的"常識"，現在被前殖民者和前殖民者所接受。用韓國思想家白的表達方式，我們積極邀請自己採納現代民族國家的精神。

It is against this background, we now prepare to set up Bandung School with the hope to address one aspect of the Bandung legacies, which has inherited from the anti-colonial struggle and continued to shape the former and neo/colonies in the present moment of world history, namely the modern nation-state form. Before entering the critical discussion, let us first foreground the immense importance of the Bandung to avoid misunderstanding. Bandung 1955 has opened up a worldview impossible to leave behind unless the political-intellectual project of constructing the world history from the interacting sites of “Asia-Africa-Latin America” has been completed. It is under the shadow of the incomplete project that the decolonization task of the “global south” directly or indirectly inherits and keeps alive the Bandung spirit moving towards a critical universalism envisioned in the form of emancipation. Nevertheless, the time is perhaps mature now to pause and think critically the problems embedded in the Bandung articulation in order to move forward. To borrow from Ghassan Hage’s recent work, anti-colonialism has been conducted in the “anti” mode of being oppositional, without being self-conscious of carrying with the movement organizing principles of colonialism; and hence, it was effective for the moment but in the long run cannot move beyond its limit to create genuine alternative, which he calls “alter politics”. The culminating point is arguably the Bandung Conference, where the desire for national independence was expressed, affirmed and confirmed; at the same time the form of modern nation-states has also been consolidated and since then become the unchallengeable “common sense” defined by imperial conquering power and now accepted by both ex-colonizers and ex-colonized. To follow Korean thinker Paik Nak-chung’s expression, we have actively invited ourselves to adopt the ethos of the modern nation-states.

我們繞道而行，在萬隆之前和之後簽署現代民族國家暴力形成的一般（如果不是普遍的）傾向，以便打開空間，如果你願意，開始撤資，"現代""國家""國家"（或"現代民族國家"），不是概念理論類別，而是精神力量在過去一百到一百五十年投資。我認為，最近關於後遺症或後國家主義的簡單性不會為向前邁進提供新的見解。我們需要首先認識到第三世界民族主義反對帝國主義和殖民主義（"反"政治"）的關鍵和解放力量，作為我們反思的假設，然後通過重新審視歷史來審視鬥爭中蘊含的問題，從而尋找有根據的替代方案（"變革的政治"），並同時投入到不迴避精神能量的深度。

We made the detour to sign post the general (if not universal) tendency of the violent formation of the modern nation states in the Third World/Asia before and after the Bandung, in order to open up the space, if you wish, to begin to divest, “modern” “nation” “state” (or “modern nation state”), not as conceptual-theoretical categories, but as psychic forces invested over the past one hundred to one hundred fifty years. In my view, the simplicity of more recent formulation of the postnation or postnationalism will not provide new insights to move forward. We need to first recognize the critical and liberating power of the Third World nationalism against imperialism and colonialism (“the politics of the anti”) as the assumption of our reflection, but then proceed to examine the problems embedded in the struggle via revisiting histories, so as to search for grounded alternatives (“the politics of the alter”) without avoiding the depth of psychic energy always and already invested in the national, if not nationalist, history.

作為中國人，我們難免把自身放在熟悉的語境中談問題，同時更想透過萬隆精神走出中國中心主義的世界觀，能夠在當下疫情危機所形成第一次真正的的全球化狀況中超越限制，才可能形成面對未來新的想像與聯結。

As mandarin Chinese speaking persons, we inevitably situate ourselves in a familiar context to address the problems, though self-consciously move beyond the Sino-centric worldview via the Bandungh spirt, so that we can overcome the limits under the pressure of the first real globalization squarely shaped by the current crisis of the Covid-19, so that new imaginations and alliances can be articulated for the future.

中國對現代民族國家的教育在過去150年裡取得了驚人的成功，慢慢建立起來能以跨越的民族主義精神共識。人們還記得，當孫中山在1900-1910年代左右開始制定民族主義政治學說，作為想像中的新共和國的三大支柱之一時，他為中國人民就像一塊不可能聯合起來反對外來帝國主義勢力入侵的"散沙"而苦惱。到20世紀49年代，當毛澤東拜由孫中山創立的國民黨，在天安門廣場宣佈：中國人民已經站起來了，民族主義不僅已經深入到知識界的腦海，而且贏得了農民和工人的心。周恩來1955年在萬隆的使命進一步展現了中國民族主義的國際主義一面：左派國家可以有一國的社會主義，民族主義和國際主義是連續且相關聯的。到冷戰的激烈對抗結束時，在20世紀90年代，民族國家一直是國民黨臺灣和共產主義中國的道德原則，部分通過現代民族國家一個全新的歷史機器深植義務教育中。從1880年代到20世紀20年代，早期現代思想家對歐洲國家形式的深刻猜疑和保留，以及其他發明，已經快速退場。自1910年代五四運動以來，科學先生和民主先生的勝利，在這種背景，兩位先生已成為建立政治和社會制度（民主）和普及知識（科學）方面工具。直到現在，當社會和政治危機變得難以承受時，像張承志、王安憶、韓少功、錢里群、曹征路王曉明這樣的當代思想家，都以自己的方式，開始重新審視伊斯蘭關係、早期漢文人或新中國的社會主義工程中的另類思想來源。但最終，對民族主義持謹慎態度的批判性傳統沒有得以延續，必須在印度次大陸建立的另類思想路線中重新發現和動員起來。

To my limited knowledge, Chinese investment in modern nation-states has been amazingly successful, slowly built up over the past 150 years. One can still remember when the “national father” Sun Yet-san began to formulate his political doctrine on nationalism as one of the three pillars of the imagined new republic around 1900－1910s, he was agonizing over the fact that Chinese people was like a “plate of dispersed sand” impossible to be united against the invasion of outside imperialist forces. By 1949s, when Mr. Tan Yunshan’s classmate Mao Tse-dong defeated, ironically, the Nationalist KMT founded by Sun and announced in Tiananmen Square that Chinese people have stood up now, nationalism had not simply landed in the mind of intellectual sector but has won the heart of the peasantry and workers. Zhou Enlai’s 1955 mission in Bandung played out further the internationalist side of the Chinese nationalism; there can be o one country socialism for the leftist state, nationalism and internationalism are continuous and contiguous. By the end of the Cold War’s hot confrontation, in the 1990s, minzu-guojia (nation-states, to translate literarily) has been the moral principle for both Nationalist Taiwan and communist China, partly achieved via the compulsory popular education, a completely new apparatus to history, created by the modern nation-states. The deep suspicion and reservation of early modern thinkers, from 1880s to 1920s, against the form of the European nation-states, among other inventions, had been profoundly dropped out of the scene. The triumph of Mr. Science and Mr. Democracy, formulated since the May Fourth Movement in the 1910s, to read in this context, has become the two vehicles of the same vain to run over the entire national soil in establishing political and social system (Democracy) and popular production of knowledge (Science). Only until recently, when the social and political crisis become unbearably strong, contemporary thinkers like Zhang Chengzhi, Wang Xiaoming and Wang Hui, each in their own ways, have begun to revisit alternative sources of thought in either the Islamic connections, or Han literati of the early modern era, or the socialist project of the new China. But ultimately, the critical tradition cautious against nationalism did not survive and will have to be rediscovered and mobilized in the alternative intellectual line of thought established in places like the Indian subcontinent.

讓我冒險把目光轉向我所知最少的南亞。目前，人民黨自2014年5月以來第二次贏得並推動該政權。關於現任總理納倫德拉·莫迪的爭議與他參與2001年古吉拉特邦悲慘的社區暴力事件有關，當時他擔任首席部長。也許，莫迪/印度人民黨政權可以被看作是右傾印度教民族主義的意識形態進步。正如所預測的那樣，宗教、種族和族裔分歧可能會繼續升級。一旦人民黨上臺，濃重的焦慮雲將籠罩南亞大陸的天空。簡單地說，我們需要從歷史和理論上瞭解在歐洲國家培育的種子，並移植到英美印度的殖民發明中。 正是在這種背景下，我想泰戈爾1917年的民族主義（直到1982年才翻譯成中文）、帕薩 查特吉1986的和阿希斯·南迪1994年的開創性著作《民族主義的非法性：拉賓德拉納特·泰戈爾與自我政治》（直到2014年才翻譯）之間建立一條思路的譜系。也就是說，儘管這種持續質疑民族國家合法性的思想路線無法阻止民族主義的血腥泛濫，但它作為一種批判性的思想傳統得以倖存下來，現在已成為物追溯印度或南亞地緣政治界限之外的寶貴來源。二三十年前，在1990年代，民族國家的衰落和跨國公司的崛起被譽為當今的心情：它現在已經證明，即使隨著超級民族國家（即歐盟或東盟）的形成，我們卻低估民族主義在全球資本主義時代也得以生存並更加強烈地盛行。

Let me take the risk to turn our eyes towards South Asia where I know the least. At the present moment, BJP has second time won and driven the regime since May 2014. The controversy over Narendra Modi, the current prime minister, had to do with his involvement in the tragic Gujarat communal violence in 2001, when he was the chief minister. Perhaps, the Modi/BJP regime can be seen as the ideological advancement of the right leaning Hindu nationalism As projected, religious, racial and ethnic divides will perhaps continue to escalate. As soon as BJP is in power, heavy cloud of anxiety will overshadow the sky of South Asian continent. To put it simply, we will need to understand historically and theoretically the seeds cultivated in European nation-states and transplanted to the colonial invention of British India. For consideration of space limit,  we can only quickly a line of thinking from Rabindranatch Tagore’s 1917 Nationalism (not translated into Chinese until 1982), to Partha Chatterjee’s 1986 Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: a Derivative Discourse and Ashis Nandy’s 1994 The Illegitimacy of Nationalism: Rabindranath Tagore and the Politics of Self, (translated only recently in 2014). That is to say, although this line of thought persistently questioning the legitimacy of the Western European nation-states as a political form to organize internally and then was able to expand externally in the form of colonialism and imperialism, cannot prevent the bloody flood of nationalism, it has nevertheless survived as a critical tradition of thought and by now has become a precious sources to return to, of course, beyond the geopolitical limit of India or South Asia. Two or three decades ago, in the 1990s, the decline of the nation-state and the rise of the transnational corporations had been hailed as the mood of the day; it has now proved that even with the formation of mega nation-states (ie., EU or ASEAN), nationalism has survived and prevailed even more strongly in the era of global capitalism. How do we understand this powerful ghost?

對泰戈爾來說，"民族"、"民族國家"和"民族主義"都是現代歐洲歷史的產物。"現代"的思想形成是對歐洲歷史本身，特別是進化論世界觀的反應，根據這種世界觀，現代民族國家實際上是一系列政治和經濟機構來組織自己的人民：這種世界觀試圖消除神學和宗教的限制，使新的統治集團能夠以科學、主權、理性、法治的名義，以國家利益和自衛為前提運作。最終的結果是衝突、掠奪和剝削，不僅在國內鎮壓地方亞外階級，而且以帝國主義和殖民主義的形式在海外進行侵略。現代秩序的基本安排排除了社會生活的更高秩序要求，因此在推翻早期的生活方式時，新意識形態暫停了精神世界（精神、精神、宗教、超自然）在宇宙中的位置。在這種排斥中，"現代"意識形態沒有長期擁有，而只是聲稱具有普遍性。泰戈爾認為，印度在南亞的地理位置有自己的歷史軌跡。它有它自己的問題（即種姓），它的解放不能通過借用別人的歷史來實現。加強和內化歐洲世界觀將是一條走向自我毀滅的道路。

For Tagore, “nation”, “nation-state” and “nationalism” were all products of the modern European history. The ideological formulation of the “modern” was a reaction to the European history itself, in particular, the evolutionist world view, under which modern nation-state was in reality a series of political and economic institutions to organize its own people; such world view attempted to remove the theological and religious constrains so that the new ruling bloc can operate, with the assumption of national self-interest and self-defense, in the name of science, sovereignty, rationality, rule of law. The end results were conflicts, pillage and exploitation, not only within the nation to suppress local subaltern classes, but also aggressions in the form of imperialism and colonialism oversea. The fundamental arrangement of the modern order excluded the higher order demand of the social life, and hence in overthrowing the earlier mode of life, the new ideology suspended the location of the spiritual world (the mental, the psychic, the religious, the supernatural) in the universe. In this exclusion, the “modern” ideology no long possessed but only claimed to universality. India’s location in South Asia has its own historical trajectories, Tagore argued. It has its own problem (ie. caste) and its liberation cannot be accomplished by borrowing other’s history. Strengthening and internalizing the European worldview would be a road toward self-destruction.

自20世紀70年代以來，南迪自身的智力形成一直深受泰戈爾和甘地的影響。有趣的是，這兩位最受尊敬的"國家"人物已經公開警惕民族主義帶來的麻煩。他們認為，數千年的印度文明無法被吸收，不能淪為民族概念的狹隘（國家作為一種新發明的東西，不可能"遏制"這一歷史演變的文明的複雜性）。因此，他們對國家概念的實際政治用途必須伴隨著自我批判性反思的深度。對甘地來說，他領導下的自由運動一直是爭取平等的普遍鬥爭的一部分。此外，正如甘地指出的，一旦歐洲形式的民族主義被軍事化，它就變成了帝國主義。非暴力的和平運動是針對自我的，承受痛苦的能力是自由的假設。非暴力的和平運動是針對自我的，承受痛苦的能力是自由的假設。特別是在宗教生活是整個社會工作基礎的地方，政治與宗教之間的整體脫鉤和分離也意味著走向災難性危機：政治將變成黨派自身利益的鬥爭（基於個人），從而成為民族主義者自身在全球舞臺上的利益。 查特吉與南迪以自己的方式繼承了泰戈爾和甘地對民族主義事業所蘊含的危險的超強意識。

Chatterjee’s and Nandy’s ntellectual formation had been deeply influenced by Tagore and Gandhi since1970s onward. Interestingly enough, these two most widely respected “national” figures have been overtly alert of troubles brought by nationalism. They felt that thousands of years of Indic civilization could not be absorbed and reduced to the narrow-mindedness of the notion of the nation (nation, as a something new to be invented, cannot possibly “contain” the complexity of this historically evolving civilization). Hence, their actual political uses of the concept of the nation had to come with the depth of self-critical reflection. For Gandhi, the freedom movement under his leadership had always been part of the universal struggle for equality. Further, as Gandhi pointed out, once European form of nationalism was militarized, it had become imperialism. The non-violent peace movement had been directed towards the self, the ability to bear suffering was the assumption of freedom. Especially in places where religious life is the working basis of society at large, the whole sale delinking and separation between politics and religion would also mean a movement towards disastrous crisis; unplugging the practice of constant self-critical reflection, politics would become the struggle for partisan self-interest (based on the individuals), and hence the interest of the nationalist self in the global arena.

 Nandy, in his own ways, inherited Tagore and Gandhi’s hyper awareness of the danger embedded in the nationalist enterprise.

綜上所述，1955年萬隆人作出的巨大貢獻，要求我們在60年後更進一步，不僅要剝離現代民族國家的形式，而且要在知識層次上運作，以重新教育自己與第三世界其他地區的條件和歷史特性。這是1955年萬隆會議帶到全球的第三世界（亞非-拉丁美洲聯繫）的一個不完整的專案，我們需要繼續努力。

To sum up, we need to recognize that the immense contribution the 1955 Bandung made requires us sixty years later take steps further to not just divest the modern nation-state form but also to operate on the level of knowledge to reeducate ourselves with the conditions and historical specificities of other parts of the third world. This is an incomplete project of the Third World (Asia-Africa-Latin America links) brought to the globe by the 1955 Bandung that we need continue to work on. 

託管還是信託？ Trusteeship 

     如果能從要民族國家中解放出來，接下來要如何想像新世界？

     If we can at all liberate form the nation-state form, then how do we imagine the future world in global context?

西方帝國勢力實行「託管」，作為吞併早期殖民勢力一直佔領或殖民領土的法律手段。但是，不要忘記，甚至在征服的做法，採取託管接管空間由舊帝國控制后，第二次世界大戰（例如。沖繩自1945年或日本，1945-51年），託管已經是甘地主義的核心：富人通過尋找後者的福利來贏得窮人的信任。甘地說："假設我擁有相當數量的財富——無論是通過遺產，還是通過貿易和工業——我必須知道，所有的財富都不屬於我：屬於我的是享有可敬生計的權利， 沒有比數百萬其他人享有的更好的了。“甘地說："假設我擁有相當數量的財富——無論是通過遺產，還是通過貿易和工業——我必須知道，所有的財富都不屬於我：屬於我的是享有可敬生計的權利， 沒有比數百萬其他人享有的更好的了。我的剩餘財富屬於社區，必須用於社區的福利。漢族人會立刻敲響警鐘。 我把這個概念寫在引號上，建議「階級」（作為一個馬克思主義術語：我仍然是一個靈活的第三世界馬克思主義者）不屬於我們，我們不能簡單地將這一類別映射到我們自己的歷史中。我曾在中國大陸公開表示，所謂中國社會主義的基礎，實際上是基於大眾信仰（間）：人人平等，包括人、畜、植物，否則毛澤東將如何成功地領導革命。農民根本不明白什麼是生產模式或關係。 當代硬幣這個詞，農民工作，說明瞭一切：所有的第三世界工人，包括早期在歐洲形成，都是農民：在罷工之前，我們/他們必須在寺廟、教堂或清真寺祈禱。

“Trusteeship” has been practiced by the Western imperial power as a legal means of annexing the always already occupied or colonized territories by earlier colonial forces. But don’t forget that even before the conquering practices to adopt trusteeship to take over spaces controlled by the older empire after the World War II (eg. Okinawa since 1945 or Japan, 1945-51), trusteeship was already at the heart of Gandhism: the rich wins over the trust from the poor by looking afeter the latter’s wealfare. Gandhi says: "Supposing I have come by a fair amount of wealth – either by way of legacy, or by means of trade and industry – I must know that all that wealth does not belong to me; what belongs to me is the right to an honourable livelihood, no better than that enjoyed by millions of others. The rest of my wealth belongs to the community and must be used for the welfare of the community." Han Chinese would immediately ring the bell. This has always been the belief and practice of the gentry from rich family or landlord “class”. I put the notion in quotation mark to suggest that “class” (as a Marxist term; I remain a flexible Third World Marxist) did not belong to us, and we cannot simply map the category onto our own history. I have been saying this in public in mainland China that the basis of the so-called Chinese socialism is in reality based on the popular faith (民間信仰)：Everyone is equal, including humans, animals and plants, otherwise how Mao would have led the revolution successfully. Peasantries simply do not understand what the hell is mode or relation of production.  Contemporary coinage of the term, peasant work, says it all: all Third World workers, including the earlier formation in Europe, are all peasants; before going on strike, we/they have to pray in temples, churches or mosques.

我們都知道人類世界永遠不會是平頭平等的，等級制度將永遠在這裡和那裡。但是，如果信托總是以資源和權力均等化、保持分工、甚至平衡全球秩序為基本假設，無論是以社會主義/共產主義的名義，都無關緊要。

We all know the human world will never be equal and hierarchy will always be here and there. But if trusteeship will always the basic assumption to equalize the resources and power, to maintain division of labor, and even to balance up the global order, whether it is in the name of socialism/communism no loner matters.

在此背景下，2017年泰戈爾成立80周年和譚雲山教授訪問印度90周年，是值得借鑒的歷史教訓。必須記住他們的做法為「信管」。這些祖先及其家庭成員奉獻了一生和精力，在他們自己直接的知識界、他們熱愛的地方、區域和民族社區、他們的地區以及他們生活的世界中，創造一個更美好的世界。我不必列出他們以自己的方式做了多少， 因為泰戈爾是地球上向我們展示什麼是 "託管" 的模型。他們的兒女們一直跟隨著他們的足跡，繼續他們所做的一切。我不必列出他們以自己的方式做了多少， 因為泰戈爾是地球上向我們展示什麼是 "託管" 的模型。他們的兒女們一直跟隨著他們的足跡，繼續他們所做的一切。譚鍾先生給兩位國家領導人的信，以緩和衝突，只不過是託管：在最緊迫的關鍵時刻調動他積累的信任，說服莫德先生和習近平先生為更大的人文學科思考。這是在譚雲山成為「欽迪安」的傳統和泰戈爾在美國、日本和中國提醒他的朋友和觀眾討厭的民族主義毀滅世界。泰戈爾，在他旅行的這些地方受到同行的歡迎或不受歡迎，很像蘇秦和張儀，他打算說服戰國國王放鬆不必要的戰爭，讓老百姓過上他們平和的生活，一直被人們銘記為託管的實踐者。

With this background, in 2017m the 80^th anniversary of Tagore’s founding Cheena Bhavana and 90^thanniversary of Prof. Tan Yun-shan’s arrival to India, are the historical lessons to learn from. Their practices must be remembered as “trusteeship”. These ancestors, along with their family members, have devoted their entire life and energies to make a better world, in their own immediate intellectual circles, their beloved local, regional and national communities, their region, and the world they lived in. I don’t have to list how much they have done in their own ways, in that Tagore is the model on earth to show us what is “trusteeship”. Their sons and daughters have followed their footprints to continue what they have done. Mr. Tan Chung’s letter to the two state leaders to ease the conflicts is nothing but trusteeship: mobilizing his accumulated credibilities in the most urgently critical moment to persuade Mr. Mode and Mr. Xi to think for the larger humanities. This is done in the tradition of Tan Yun-shan’s becoming “Chindian” and Tagore’s courageous interventions in the U.S., Japan and China to remind his friends and audiences of the nasty nationalism destroying the world. Tagore, welcomed or unwelcomed in his time by his counterparts in these locations he traveled, is very much like the Su Qing 蘇秦 and Zhang Yi 張怡moving about to persuade the kings of the Warring States to ease unnecessary warfare so that common people could live their modest life, has been remembered as the practitioner of trusteeship. 

其含義是明確的。如果託管是富國和強者為窮人和弱者提供服務的工作原則，它可以在個人、群體、社區、國家、地區、世界、地球和地球的層面上發揮作用。如果我們將這一原則與國際秩序相交，將意味著具有小國主義情緒的大國需要向較弱的地方提供資源，以建造軟軌和高速列車，並運送糧食來拯救地球上饑餓的人口。中等國家（例如韓國或馬來西亞）將發揮作用，調解衝突，並找到解決區域爭議的辦法。小國可以發揮最有創造力和最靈活的精力，為本區域和世界作出貢獻，而大國可能由於其照顧每個人的制約而無法擁有這種力量。

The implications are clear. If trusteeship is working principle for the rich and powerful to provide services to the poor and the weak, it can work on the level of the individual, group, community, the nation, the region, the world, the globe and the planet. If we intersect this principle with international order, it would mean big countries, with a small-countryist sentiment, need to provide resources to the weaker places to build soft tracks and speed trains and to deliver food to save the hungry population on earth. The medium-country (eg. Korea or Malaysia) would play a role to mediate the conflicts and to find the solutions to the regional controversies. And the small-countries can be the leading edge to contribute to the region and the world, with the most creative and flexible energies, which the large countries may not be able to have due to its constraints to take care of everyone.

我們第一次來這裡就瞭解到，年齡和水準的混合，樹下的教學，以及歡樂和充滿愛的場景：並試圖在我自己的教學實踐實踐。我們一直是譚雲山和泰戈爾的兒子。最後，為什麼我們不能把山特尼克滕看作是一個小國，有著積累的傳統和實踐，一個自給自足的宇宙，一個走在時代前列的大國，向全球的中等大縣展示如何能夠進行人道和替代教育呢？

We were personally taken by the first visit here to learn that the mixing of ages and levels, the teaching under the tree, and the joyful and loving scenes; and have tried to practice in my own teaching practices. I have been the son of Tan Yun-shan and Tagore. In the end, why can’t we see Shanteniketen as a small-country, with accumulated traditions and practices, a self-sufficient universe, a vanguard ahead of its time to the showing the medium-large counties across the globe on how can a humane and alternative education can be done? 

“We’re all foreigners…”我們皆為外國/異鄉人

2017年在首爾對崔元世進行了一次深入的採訪（作為"戰後左口述歷史專案的一部分——通過陳映真進行調解：我們在東亞各地做了大約100次，當我們討論所謂"大陸人（來自臺灣省外的大陸人）"的條件時，他說："等一下，我們不是大陸人，我們都是外國人"。事實上，任何接受大學教育，最糟糕的是，擁有博士學位的人，都離開了我們的社區和人民，就像韓國人所說的"百姓"一樣。

 In an in-depth interview with Choi Won-shik conducted last year in Seoul, (as a part of the “Postwar Left Oral History project—mediating through Chen Yingzhen; and we have done about 100 across East Asia), when we discussed the conditions of so-called waishengren (mainlanders from outside of Taiwan province), he said: “wait a second, we are not mainlanders, we are all foreigners”. Indeed, anyone receiving university education and, worst, to have a PhD degree has departed from our community and our people, the minjung, as Korean call the populace or Chinese call “one hundred surnames” (百姓).

是的，我們都是外國人。我們接受的現代教育越多，我們就越遠離我們的根源。我們，無論是馬克思主義者、女權主義者，還是後殖民主義者或特別的活動家，都成為統治精英。讓我們回到我們自己的人民，寺廟，市場和節日重新連接。讓我們回到我們的母親、父親和祖先身邊。不知怎麼的，自上世紀90年代末以來，我跟隨祖先的腳步踏上了第二次或第三次西遊記，與印度朋友交朋友。 唐三臧的漢族名字叫陳褘，在我的家譜里，直到去年才被人忽視。直到最近，我才發現，我早年應該成為藏傳佛教創始人仁波切大師的100位弟子之一：我是印度、南亞或天竺的孩子。為了冒與坐在這裡的朋友和同志對抗的風險，泰戈爾舉世聞名的名聲惹惱了他的聽眾，讓我這樣說：印度、中國或歐洲並不存在，任何形式的身份都需要得到控制：都是現代民族國家的結果。讓我們回到農民所擁護的世界觀和宇宙中來。讓我們回到我們的現代思想家，崔元世，譚雲山和泰戈爾，他們以愛的笑容跟我們坐在一起。

Indeed, we are all foreigners. The more modern education we have received, the more we have moved away from our sublaterns. We, be it Marxist, feminist, or postcolonialist or queer activist, become governing elites. Let us return to reconnect our own people, to the temple, market and festival. Let us return to our mothers and fathers and ancestors. Somehow I have followed my ancestor’s footstep to be on the second or third journey of the west to make friends with my Indian friends since late 1990s. Tang Sanzag whose Han Chinese name is Chen Hui and is on my family genealogy book, unnoticed until last year. And only until recently I have discovered that I was supposed to be in my earlier reincarnation one of the 100 disciples of Guru Rinpoche, the founder of Tibetan Buddhism; I’m the son of India, South Asia or Tianzhu. To run the risk of antagonizing friends and comrades sitting here, following Tagore’s world known reputation to annoy his audiences, let me say this: Indian, Chinese or European did not exist and any form of identity needs to be in check; all have been a result of the modern nation-state. Let us return to the world views and cosmologies embraced by the peasantry. Let us return to our modern thinkers, to Tagore, Tan Yun-shan and Choi Wanshik, who are sitting here and there with us, with love and smiling faces. 

第三世界意味著什麼？How does Third World mean？ 

我們的工作團隊曾經對台灣最早提出第三世界論的陳映真進行長達十多年的思索，那麼第三世界到底意味著什麼？陳映真所謂的第三世界是戰後新殖民主義時期的後殖民世界，亞洲、非洲、拉丁美洲各個前殖民地、半殖民地、次殖民地，在反殖民獨立戰爭、內戰中慢慢走出來，不論以「富國強兵」或是追求國家現代化為動力，被立即且快速地（被迫）捲入資本主義世界體系，及其內部與之抗衡的社會主義陣營，所構成幾乎二元對立的全球冷戰體制中。冷戰的對峙，一方面延續、轉接了新殖民主義的形成，在部分地區形成民族分斷，另一方面延宕了各個殖民地在思想、文化、精神層面的反思，於是座落在新興獨立國家政治舞台核心位置的是經濟發展主義，「以農養工」的國家主義發展策略所帶動的社會變遷是城鄉移民，是離鄉背井，是長期歷史所建立起來的社會關係的重新調整，及調整中弱勢者在物質資源匱乏、精神無所依歸境況下的撕裂與折斷。由於各地在地歷史（基體）的龐大差異，使得第三世界歷經殖民地、脫殖民地與資本主義化所形成的社會與文化有著截然不同的形式與風貌（如陳映真提及漢字書寫提供了台灣脫殖民地主體重建的基礎，而許多前殖民地依然要與殖民者的書寫語言繼續共存、搏鬥）。因此，除了上述作為世界史範圍中的亞、非、拉、歐、美以「洲」為地理實體之間關係性想像的這個層次之外，第三世界其實不是鐵板一塊，而是一塊多元豐富的另類參照體系的構築，不再像過去那樣以歐美為唯一的參照點，透過彼此的對照能夠在分析中把握、解釋自身處境、存在邏輯，乃至於找到繼續轉化的可能性之所在。

Our team has since 2006 started the “Chen Yingzhen’s Third World” project. How  does Chen Yingzhen’s Third World mean? For me, the Third World a la Chen Yingzhen is the process in which former colonies, semi-colonies, and subcolonies, after gradually getting out from anti-colonial independence wars and civil wars, were immediately (forced to be) involved in the global Cold War regime dichotomized between the capitalist world system and the socialist camp that fought against it from inside. The Cold War standoff on the one hand extended and transplanted the formation of neocolonialism, which resulted in national division in certain regions; on the other hand, it postponed the intellectual, cultural and spiritual reflections in many colonies. Thus, what is situated at the center of the political stage in newly independent nations is economic developmentalism. What the statist strategy of prioritizing industrialization at the expense of agriculture has led to rural-to-urban migration; the readjustment of social relations established through the longue durée of history; and the rupture and disruption of the underprivileged in the midst of material want and spiritual rootlessness. Due to the enormous difference in the local histories in different places, Third World societies and cultures, having been shaped by colonization, decolonization and capitalist liberalization, have distinctly different forms and outlooks (for instance, Chen Yingzhen mentioned the Chinese script as providing the ground on which a decolonized Taiwan rebuilds subjectivity, while many former colonies still have to co-exist or combat with the colonizers’ written language). Hence, besides the imaginary based on “continents” such as Asia, Africa, Latin America, Europe, and America within the world-historical scope, the Third World is in fact not monolithic, but an infrastructure with diverse and rich alternative reference system. It no longer has to rely solely on Europe and America as the only reference point. Through comparing and referencing with one another, its analysis can grasp and explain its own situation and raison d’etre, or even find the possibility for continual transformation.

除了作為實體想像與參照方法的第三世界外，我們當然不能抹去反帝、反封建的重要歷史過程來理解第三世界的精神，在今天二十一世紀的語境中，它意味著在全球範圍內的連帶與結盟關係，弱勢地區之間的團結，藉以消極防止帝國主義、積極促進世界和平，繼續跟著強權走不過是在深化已經極不平衡的權力關係。也因此，第三世界同時意味著打破以帝國之間霸權更替的舊世界，尋找新世界的運作方式，用好友白永瑞的語言來說，這會是「更民主、更人性、更具主體性的理論與實踐方案」（白永瑞， 2000），這個方案同時在重新思索與超克作為三位一體的帝國主義、資本主義、現代性，對人類所造成的壓迫。在此意義下，本文所關切的第三世界的精神世界，是轉化世界不可或缺的重要資源，要透過那隻第三隻眼才能勇敢透視問題，看到微薄光影的指向。

Besides the Third World as a substantial imaginary and reference, by no means can we understand the Third World spirit at the expense of its significant anti-imperial, anti-feudal histories. In the twenty-first-century environs, it indicates the alliance and coalition at the global level, as well as the solidarity between underprivileged areas, to prevent imperialism from coming back and actively promote world peace. To follow the route of the superpower is nothing more than deepening the already imbalanced power relations. Thus, the Third World also means to shatter the Old World where one imperial hegemony succeeded another, and to find the ways in which the New World functions. In my friend Paik Young-seo’s words, it will be a “more democratic, more humanitarian, and more agential/subjective theory and practice” (Paik 2009: iv). This plan, at the same time, reconceptualizes and overcomes the oppression of human beings by the trinity of imperialism-capitalism-modernity. In this sense, the psychological world in the Third World this article is concerned with is an indispensable crucial source in transforming the world. It is only through that third eye could we bravely see through the questions, and see the where the dim light and shadow point us to.

在這樣的前提下，萬隆書院計畫的動力很簡單，是希望批判的學術思想界能夠認識自身的第三世界歷史屬性，期許思想知識界不要丟棄第三世界的屬性與思想資源，要保留第三世界想像的香火，擴大我們極為狹窄的知識對象，使得他者與自我能夠更為開放、多元。更為迫切的是，在「亞洲的崛起」與「中國的和平崛起」的氛圍中，將第三世界的歷史意識重新放入討論的議程，正是要華文地區與亞洲思想界眼中不能只有強勢者的存在，得承續第三世界主義的精神，讓弱勢民族與地區成為我們關注、參照、合作的焦點。

By now the motivation behind the proposal for BS is hopefully clear: critical ntellectual circle could understand its own Third World attribute, and  not to abandon its Third World attribute and intellectual resources. Maintain the lineage of the Third World imagination, enlarging our extremely narrow object of knowledge, and make the other and oneself more open and diverse. What is more urgent is that, amidst the atmosphere of “the rise of Asia” and “the peaceful rise of China,” to reinsert the Third World historical consciousness into the agenda is precisely because the Sinophone world and the Asian intellectual field cannot only have the existence of the superpowers in their eyes. Rather, we ought to inherit the spirit of Third Worldism, making the minority people and areas the focal point of our concern, reference, and collaboration.

陳映真在 1983年時曾說：「是我們有計畫地去研究，譯介第三世界文學的時候了。」坦白說，我很懷疑今天的中文思想界會積極回應老同志的呼籲，但是為了延續這條微弱的香火，還是得硬著頭皮繼續走，等真的到時候了，接棒跑馬拉松的年輕同志不會是在一片荒蕪中從零開始。

Chen Yingzhen once said in 1983, “It’s time for us to systematically study and translate Third World literature” Frankly speaking, I seriously doubt that the Chinese intellectual circle today will actively respond to the call by the old comrade-in-arm. But in order to continue this dimly lit incense, we still have to brace ourselves to keep walking ahead. When the time comes, our young comrade-in-arms who take over the baton in the relay race will not start from zero in a wasteland.

未來 Future：

從世界史的角度來看，「一帶一路」將會是改變世界未來走向的大計畫，它的動力在因應中國內在與全球經濟發展的新趨勢。然而這個提案並不是孤立的個案，東南亞次區域中印尼「新海洋時代」、南亞印度「香料之路」等提案，都意味著第三世界第三世界的前殖民地、半殖民地區經過四個世紀帝國主義的摧殘，長期的隱忍、再生與復甦，從廢墟中悄然升起，為了掌握自身未來，不再被強權牽引而試圖提出帶動地球未來發展的新方向。2016年7月14日是世界史上的轉化點：美軍在南海不戰而退，宣告著美國世紀的結束、帝國主義的終結，「超英趕美」的年代已然揮手告別，歷史翻了一頁。但是未來世界的運動方向至今前途未卜，是延續殖民帝國主義的壓迫道路與資本主義的剝削邏輯，或是開展出新的道路，將取決於此刻具有動能地區所捲動的浪潮。

From the point of view of world history, One Belt, One Road (hereafter OBOR) is a grand project to transform the directions of future world. It’s ideal and its spirit come from the 1955 Bandung Conference (BC). Simply put, the five principles of the peaceful co-existence are the operating thrusts. BC has opened the door for mutual learning and cooperation among the Third World countries. Nevertheless, due to the uneven material conditions, social-political differences, and most critically, imperialist powers’ interventions in the national states via proxy, only few countries (among them, China is one) were capable to insists on the BC principles, the project as a whole has fallen into impasse. After decades of efforts, starting with the four dragons of East Asia, followed by Southeast Asian five tigers, the vitality of the rising Chinese economy has triggered active global changes. At the same time, the emergence of the BRICS, Indonesia, Arabic world, Latin American, especially with the stable development of African continent, has meant the Third World is moving forward to effect structural transformation; the appearance of multiple centers has become a new historical reality. China’s proposal of OBOR is not an isolated instance and has to be understood in this long term historical trajectory, just like Indonesian’s New Marine Times proposal in the SE Asian region. Putting together all these projects have meant that, after long term patient accumulation of energies, Third World countries want to control their own future and via mutual support and solidarity, no longer wanting to be dominated by the imperial powers. It is under such presupposition and understanding we suggest the following issues to be discussed in the second Bandung Conference.

在歷史與結構位置上一樣同屬於第三世界，中國、華文世界與亞、非、拉各地其實分享著諸多共通的經驗——反帝、反殖、民族主義、社會主義、國際主義、現代化、內戰、冷戰、饑荒、難民、後發資本、威權統治、族群矛盾、民主轉型等等。但也正因為這些經驗所帶來的迫切壓力，造成我們與這些地區缺乏更為積極、具體的認識與互動，無法建立更為多元的參照，豐富我們的自我理解、定位與認知。對於思想界而言，「一帶一路」的出現提供了扭轉局勢的契機，必須經過「第三世界」的思想轉向，重新補課、相互認識，才能適切的把握歷史的現狀，也可能逐步提出貼近各地現實需求的方案。

Both historically and structurally belong to the third world. China and the Chinese-speaking world actually share many common experiences with Asia, Africa, and Latin America-anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, nationalism, socialism, internationalism, modernization, Civil war, cold war, famine, refugees, late-comer capital, authoritarian rule, ethnic conflicts, democratic transformation, etc. But it is precisely because of the urgent pressure brought about by these experiences that we lack more active and specific understanding and interaction with these regions, and we cannot establish more diverse references to enrich our self-understanding, positioning and cognition. For the ideological world, the emergence of the "Belt and Road" provides an opportunity to reverse the situation. It must undergo a "third world" ideological turn, re-make up lessons and understand each other, in order to appropriately grasp the historical status quo, and it may also gradually propose to be closer to various places. Realistic demand plan.

在過去的社會思想資源中，諸如中國固有的大同思想、佛教眾生皆平等大愛世界觀、社會主義的平等主義等等，都是指引道路的明燈，其中1955年的「萬隆會議」更是第三世界在歷史實踐中少有的共同資產。 

In the past social thought resources, such as China’s inherent ideology of Great Harmony, Buddhism all beings are equal and love the world view, socialist egalitarianism, etc., are the beacon that guides the way. Among them, the "Bandung Conference" in 1955 was the first. The three worlds have rare common assets in historical practice.

萬隆會議開起了第三世界相互學習與合作的大門，無奈各地物質條件不均、政治社會狀況差異過大，更為關鍵的是強權的介入分化，在各個國家區域提拔代理人，除了少數有條件堅持的國家持續堅持萬隆原則，但是整體方案在七0年代後就停滯不前。對中國而言，記憶猶新的是亞非領導人無畏強權圍堵與壓制，才能突破封鎖重返世界舞台，中國人對此永遠感念於心，因此長期與第三世界地區與國家合作與團結的基本原則至今遵循的總體思想。

The Bandung Conference opened the door for the third world to learn and cooperate with each other. However, the material conditions and political and social conditions of various regions are not evenly distributed, and the political and social conditions are too different. What is more important is the intervention and differentiation of powers. The promotion of agents in various countries and regions, except for a few Countries that adhere to the conditions continue to adhere to the Bandung Principles, but the overall plan has stagnated after the 1970s. For China, what is still fresh in my memory is that the leaders of Asia and Africa can break through the blockade and return to the world stage without fear of power. The basic principles of the general idea have been followed so far. 

在此變動的大局中，立足當下，疫情成為全球史中首次真正的全球化，新情勢已經充分顯示美國、西歐資本帝國已經日落西山，歐元、美元正在快速垮台，更沒有能力能夠拯救世界，國土疆界必須打破才能、充分合作才可能遏制噩運，中國的表現異軍突起提供了另類平等新世界的可能，而萬隆精神中的平等互惠、相互提攜原則能否持續成為指路明燈，有待有志之士認真駁議。但是我們對於世界的走向是樂觀進取的，在生聚教訓的數十年後，先是東亞四小龍、後是東南亞五小虎，而後是中國、印度、印尼、非洲經濟力的高度提升，帶動了全球的積極變化，所謂金磚五國的出現、印度尼西亞、阿拉伯世界、拉美區域的持續前進，特別是非洲大陸的穩定發展，意味著全球局勢面臨結構性的變動，多元中心已然浮現。在此當下，中國共產黨固有的集體領導成為合作的根本模式，引領世界走向未來。

In the overall situation of this change, based on the current situation, the epidemic has become the first true globalization in global history. The new situation has fully shown that the capital empires of the United States and Western Europe have been sunset, the euro and the dollar are rapidly collapsing, and there is no ability to save the world and the country. Territories must be broken through and full cooperation is needed to curb the bad luck. The sudden emergence of China provides the possibility of an alternative and new world of equality. Whether the principle of equality, reciprocity and mutual support in the Bandung spirit can continue to be a guiding light remains for people with lofty ideals to be serious. Refute. However, we are optimistic and enterprising about the direction of the world. After decades of learning, first the four little dragons of East Asia, then the five little tigers of Southeast Asia, and then the highly improved economic power of China, India, Indonesia, and Africa, which has driven the world. The positive changes of the so-called BRIC countries, the continuous advancement of Indonesia, the Arab world, and the Latin American region, especially the stable development of the African continent, mean that the global situation is facing structural changes, and multiple centers have emerged. At this moment, the inherent collective leadership of the Communist Party of China has become the fundamental mode of cooperation, leading the world to the future. 

道路是崎嶇的，未來是光明的。如果能夠倡議召開二次萬隆會議匯聚世界各地重要思想者共聚一堂對世界局勢進行深刻分析，我們認為只有透過具有自省性的分析與分享，共同商議與論辯，才能初步指出「香料之路」、「新海洋之路」、「一帶一路」等所共同捲動的變局中，走向更為多元、平等、開放、平和的地球新方向。

The road is rugged, and the future is bright. If it is possible to initiate the second Bandung Conference to bring together important thinkers from all over the world to conduct a deep analysis of the world situation, we believe that only through introspective analysis and sharing, and joint discussion and debate, can we initially point out the "Road of Spices", The "New Ocean Road", "One Belt, One Road" and other joint changes are moving towards a new direction for the earth that is more diverse, equal, open, and peaceful.

二次萬隆會議的倡議 The initiative of a second Bandung Conference

面臨疫情所帶來的全球性危機，我們倡議以第三世界國家領導人為所主導的二次萬隆會議，在印尼瓦隆召開。之前的準備會應匯集頂尖世界思想家為核心，包括吸納歐美內部的反對新帝國主義的批判份子、智庫、民間團體（工農、移工、文化工作者等），對全球變動的中狀況進行分析，提供並提出未來世界的發展方向的可能性及配套措施，也藉此機會共同啟動全球性萬隆書院的籌備工作，主要議題包括：

Facing the global crisis brought about by the epidemic, we propose to hold the Second Bandung Conference led by the leaders of the third world countries in Bandung, Indonesia. The previous preparatory meeting should bring together top world thinkers as the core, including absorbing critics, think tanks, and non-governmental organizations (workers, peasants, migrant workers, cultural workers, etc.) who oppose neo-imperialists in Europe and the United States to analyze the state of global changes. Provide and propose the possibility of future world development and supporting measures, and also take this opportunity to jointly start the preparatory work for the global Bandung Academy. The main topics include:

（一）“一帶一路”與全球化4.0  “One Belt, One Road” and Globalization 4.0

從地理大發現開啟全球化以來，世界歷經了英國主導的殖民主義全球化2.0、美國主導的“持劍而商”全球化3.0，現正邁入全球化4.0的時代。按照世界銀行數據，當今世界產出的八成來自沿海地區的一百公里地帶，這種西方中心的海洋型“全球化”突顯了“部分全球化”的困境，2008金融危機更暴露出當前政治經濟模式的短板，兩極世界難以彌合。本節旨在討論“一帶一路”倡議聯接內陸與海洋、协同南方國家實現現代化等行動方案將如何形塑全球化發展新模式，確立新一輪全球化動力機制與制度框架，以開放型世界經濟的建構來助推人類文明的共同復興，打造更包容的全球化。

Ever since the Great Discovery opening up the page of globalization, world history encountered colonialist globalization 2.0 led by the British (prior to that Spanish, the Portugees, Dutch and French), then 3.0 dominated by the US’s version of its mixing military might with capital, and now has arrived the initial stage of globalization 4.0. According to World Bank, 80% of the global productivity comes from coastal areas (in the zone of inland 100 miles). Such a Westerncentric marine type of globalization exposes the crisis of “partial globalization”; 2008 financial crisis further exposes the short-circuiting of the current political economy. The two poles of extremity cannot be bridged. This section discusses how One Belt, One Road (hereafter OBOR) can articulate and island continent and the coastal see, collaborate with countries of the global south moving through modernization project, so as to shape new mode of global development, and to ensure a new round of global forces and the framework. What can be done to aim at the open type of world economy to be more tolerant globalization. 

（二）“一帶一路”的歷史與政治經濟學 History and Political Economy of OBOR

“一帶一路”倡議使得政治經濟學理論中關於世界發展的進程認識有了微妙的轉變，國際學術界有一種觀點認為，雖然是資本與勞動力過剩，然而中國推導的這一新經濟計劃有潛力對資本主義經濟邏輯主宰的世界格局的變革，是對世界發展路徑的重新修正，中國在世界各地以造成低價格商品換來提高生活水準、增長就業機會、提升硬體建設等普遍現象。本節旨在討論在歷史上克服資本主義危機的漫長過程中，以低工資、低消費、高品質的普遍邏輯，轉化既有運行的運行方式，社會主義中國應當如何進一步將傳統文明與未來的世界發展進行相互連接，開啟超越以往歷史路徑的未來之路。

OBOR predicates on the existing practices, silently transforming the theory of political economy in the process of world development. One of the perspective, shared by the international scholarly community is that, although capital and labor surplus do surface, China’s new economy has the potential to change the economic logics of capitalism dominating the structure of the world, that is, to modify the course of development in a global scale. In reality, the low commodity cost has generated higher living quality; capital investment has created more job opportunities; and diverse state projects have improved infrastructural building. This section focuses on the longue duree process in overcoming the crisis of capitalism. In practices, there merges the general phenomenon of “low salary, low consumption cost, high quality” with the spread of Chinese capital; it has indicated the possible transforming the operating capitalist logics. What is to be done next to articulate ancient civilization and the development of the future world. 

（三）“一帶一路”的合作網絡與模式 OBOR’s Modes of networking and cooperation

“一帶一路”倡議開創了不設置排他性規則，不限制國別範圍，不搞封閉機制，有意願的國家和經濟體均可共商、共建、共享的包容性新型國際合作模式，通過利益共同體、責任共同體的建構，打造人類發展的命運共同體。本節旨在討論如何構建“一帶一路”互利合作網絡和新型合作模式，探討打造“一帶一路”多元合作平臺、推進重點領域項目的行動方略，其中大、小國與各地區優勢差異，該如何分工合作，扮演不同的角色，共同推進。

OBOR proposes a non-exclusive principles, unlimited to types of nations, and resisting closure, and has the will and desire to work with national and economic entities to produce new modes of international cooperation: negotiation, working together, sharing, with a genuine hope in making the future destiny of world community to share responsibility and interests. This section discusses how to build new modes of network of mutual support and cooperation to supplement one’s strengthen to ease the weakness, via public discussion platform; how to recognize the divisions of labor and divisions of role to play, so that Third World can move forward had in hand.  

（四）“一帶一路”與區域規劃OBOR and regional planning

20世紀90年代以來，從世界範圍看，藍色經濟和綠色經濟同時步入了發展的快車道，成為區域經濟發展的新增長點。“一帶一路”倡議提出的六大經濟走廊建設，指向了五大海洋的海陸互聯和藍色空間建設：中國經中亞、俄羅斯至歐洲（波羅的海）；中國經中亞、西亞至波斯灣、地中海；中國至東南亞、南亞到印度洋、南太平洋；而推進實施綠色發展的“一帶一路”戰略將是中國與沿線各國和地區在資源、能源、產業項目等領域深化合作過程中，展示負責任大國形象、規避環境風險的根本要求。本節集中討論在中國內部的變動，特別是灣區，其經濟是國際上較成熟的沿海地區發展模式之一，廣東、香港、澳門區位臨近，連成了世界上最密集的城市發展軸，香港-澳門-深圳-東莞-廣州-佛山-中山，這七座明珠城市已經是世界上功能最齊全、規模最大的狹長型巨型都市群，粵港澳三地融合具有巨大的發展紅利。然而，在WTO框架下的CEPA仍然存在一定的發展障礙，粵港澳的實質性融合、灣區建設仍需要更大的推動力。“一帶一路”的戰略設計，為粵港澳灣區建設提供了更堅實、牢固的國家戰略抓手和發展契機。《推動共建絲綢之路經濟帶和21世紀海上絲綢之路的願景與行動》提出，“充分發揮深圳前海、廣州南沙、珠海橫琴、福建平潭等開放合作區作用，深化與港澳臺合作，打造粵港澳大灣區。”因此，本節將主要探討粵港澳如何通過打造大灣區來參與、助力“一帶一路”建設，並提出具體可操作的措施與政策建議，其中包括極為關鍵廣州的位置。

Since 1990s, globally speaking, blue and green economies enter the express way of development, becoming the new growth point for regional development. OBOR proposes the construction of six economic gateways, pointing toward the five oceanic sea-land articulations and the construction of blue space (???): China-- Central Asia--Russia --Europe (波羅的海); China-- Central Asia-- West Asia-- Persian Gulf -- Mediterranean; China-Southeast Asia—South Asia—Indian Ocean – South Pacific; to promote green development, OBOR will become the show case of a big country that is responsible and fundamentally demanding the prevention of environmental risk in the processes in deepening the cooperation with countries and regions to carry out projects of resources, energies and industry. This section discusses the internal configuration in China, especially the Bay Area, whose economy has become internationally known as one of the model for the coastal cities. Guamgdong, Hong Kong, Macau and its surrounding areas have become the most concentrated axis for development among the cities. Hong Kong – Macau – Shenzhen – Dongwan – Guangzhou –Foshan –Zhongshan, these several pearl cities have become the most functionally equipped, the largest scale of a giant grouping of the cities. The integration of Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macau have generated huge interests. But under the framework of CEPA (developed within the WTO), there are still barriers for development. The substantial integration and the development of the Bay Area still require larger forces to move forward. The design of OBOR provides a golden opportunity to consolidate the chance for development. “The Vision and Action  Plan for a joint venture of building silk road economic belt and road of 21^st century sea silk road” propose: “effectively carryout the Qianhai of Shenzhen, Nansha of Guangzhou, Hengqin of Zhuhai, Pingtan of Fujian open special zone, deepening the cooperation with Hang Kong, Macau, and Taiwan, in order to reshape the making of the Bay Area. This section will focus on the concrete agenda for the making of the Great Bay and its critical relation with the OBOR, including the critical role of Guangzhou.

（五）“一帶一路”與世界史 OBOR and World History

要如拉長歷史來看待一帶一路？特別是擺在世界史的大洪流中，一帶一路能夠推動的歷史動力何在？它是否關乎對於殖民、帝國主義史的反動？放在資本主義發展的軌跡中來看，又要如何理解一帶一路的位置？它實在轉化資本主義，還是後者危機轉進的新方式？它是在鬆動乃至於瓦解歐洲所發明的民族國家？抑或是在強化某些民族國家、弱化其它的民族國家？按照目前的存在態勢、條件與發展方向，它可能會是世界史上的重要轉淚點嗎？從國族史、區域史、反帝的第三世界歷史要如何看待與評價一帶一路？它與1955 萬隆會議有什麼動能關聯？社會主義歷史當初所設定的議程依然是一帶一路的核心構成嗎？本組討論企圖拉長歷史縱深，從地球變動的軌跡來把握一帶一路的意涵。

How do we understand the OBOR in long term historical trajectories? To place it in the river of world history, where can the driving forces of the OBOR? Has it to do with the accumulated density of reaction against the history of colonialism and imperialism? To place it within historical capitalism, how its location can be understood? Is it transforming capitalism or is it a new mode of reconfiguring the capitalist crisis? Looking at the conditions of existence, and the directions of movement, sill OBOR be a critical turning point in world history? How will be OBOR be considered and evaluated from vintage points of nationalist historiography, regional formation and the history of anticolonial struggle of the Third World? What is OBOR’s relation with the 1955 Bandung? Is the agenda set by socialist history embedded in the OBOR? 

萬隆書院的基本構想 Basic ideas of the BS 

     提出整合方案是「一個接地氣的世界思想運動」，推動在未來在萬院的屋頂下成立下列機構： 

1. 高校結合民間普設萬隆書院
2. 規劃設立「異次元世界中心」(Another World Center)成為教育的核心
3. 聯合各界建立「批判性文創實驗（工）場」
4. 設置「駁議圓桌」（Agon Roundtable，邀請重要思想者，針對現實事件的拉高討論層次，對世界各地社會、政治、文化、經濟問題，進行深入討論，建立具有民間公信力的糾錯機制。

這裏信念是：中國/亞洲崛起的意涵：不在主導世界，而是搭建第三世界的平台，互動、學習中提出世界未來的走向。我們的目的：改造知識構造與氣氛，走向更具解放 性、更平等的世界。我們的思想路線是：以第三世界國際主義思想路線、路徑的提出，取代已經走不下去的毆美中心主義。

「超英趕美」的時代無論在物質與精神層面早已悄然離去，試問美國有幾條高鐵？掛零。近乎荒誕的希拉蕊與川普的選舉然到不在宣示著以政黨政治為內核的民主體制與精神文明的危機？知識上科學的世界觀也同時在面臨崩解，演繹法為依歸的西醫體系已被證明是根本不是放諸四海而皆準，歸納法思維方式下形成的中醫體系強調風土人情、歷史變動，暗示的難道不是截然不同的世界觀依然長存？被達成封建迷信的民間信仰並沒有因為我們這些「現代進步」的外來霸權有所退縮，如南地所言，第三世界遍佈各地的廟宇意味著這是我們在替地球的未來提供多元的選擇，正視農民生活世界及其世界觀──人不過是萬事萬物中的一份子，其中神明所庇蔭的芸芸眾生才最民眾主要的戶籍制。作為知識份子，我們不能繼續沈溺於與殖民知識繼續共謀，繼續用「外國人」的腦子膚淺的眺望身邊的世界，而是要能夠由衷的發願自我改造，放棄啟蒙帶領落後民眾的無知想法所造成的慘痛教訓，回到民眾生活中重新學習，以此開啟瓦解自我殖民的思想運動。

得以提出「瓦解殖民地球：一個接地氣的世界思想運動」（Decolonizing the earth）的願景，在於重回萬隆的第三世界國際主義，跟中國大陸重新打開視域想像世界的「一帶一路」的全球性大計劃，也有著某種共振。我們過去近三十年的工作不過是承繼萬隆精神的「一帶一路民間版」。

The proposed integration plan is "a grounded global intellectual movement", which will initiate the establishment of the following institutions under the roof of the Wanyuan Institute in the future: 

1. BS is established by universities and non-governmental organizations
2. Planning to establish "Another World Center" to become the core of education
3. Cooperate with all walks of life to establish a "Critical Cultural and Creative Experiment (Work) Field"
4. Set up an "Agon Roundtable" (Agon Roundtable, inviting important thinkers to raise the level of discussion in response to real events, conduct in-depth discussions on social, political, cultural, and economic issues around the world, and establish an error correction mechanism with civil credibility .

The belief here is: the meaning of the rise of China/Asia: not to dominate the world, but to build a platform for the third world, and to propose the future direction of the world through interaction and learning. Our goal: to transform the structure and atmosphere of knowledge and move towards a more liberating and equal world. Our ideological line is to replace the US-centrism that has been unable to go on with the proposed ideological line and path of third world internationalism.

The era of "surpassing Britain and catching up with the United States" has already quietly left in terms of material and spiritual aspects. How many high-speed rail lines are there in the United States? Hang zero. Has the almost absurd election of Hillary and Trump really declared a crisis of democratic system and spiritual civilization with party politics as the core? The intellectually scientific worldview is also facing disintegration. The Western medical system based on deductive method has been proved to be not universally applicable. The traditional Chinese medical system formed under the inductive method of thinking emphasizes local customs, historical changes, and implies Isn't it true that a completely different worldview still persists? Folk beliefs that have reached feudal superstitions have not shrunk because of our "modern progress" foreign hegemony. As Nandi said, the temples of the Third World all over the world mean that we are providing multiple choices for the future of the earth. , Face up to the peasant’s life world and its world outlook-human beings are just a part of everything, among which all living beings sheltered by gods are the main household registration system for the people. As intellectuals, we must not continue to indulge in conspiracy with colonial knowledge, and continue to use the "foreign" mind to view the world around us superficially, but to be able to make a sincere desire to reform ourselves and give up the ignorant idea of ​​enlightenment to lead the backward people. The painful lessons learned by the people, return to the lives of the people and learn again, in order to start an ideological movement that disintegrates self-colonization.

The vision of "Decolonizing the Earth: Decolonizing the Earth" (Decolonizing the Earth) was able to come up with the vision of returning to Bandung’s third world internationalism, and reopening the horizons of mainland China to imagine the world’s "One Belt One Road" The global big plan also has some kind of resonance. Our work in the past 30 years is nothing but the "One Belt One Road Private Version" that inherits the Bandung spirit. 

萬院設置的狀況 Current Conditions of the BS initiative

在華文地區，2015年我們個人推動了台南地區萬院的成立，與民間信仰結合設於三山國王廟，因資源短缺，並沒有後續推進計畫。爾後杭州中國美術學院高士明曾經推動亞非拉藝術中心計畫，也沒有推進。

今年2021捲土重來，我們推動了為期四個月的「陳映真的第三世界讀書會」，在中流基金會的支持下，七月起已經進入第三期，學院來自兩岸，報名者達百餘人。因應台灣現實啟動「文化總批判」對整體進行挑戰，至今已十餘場，準備辦在台澎金馬各地辦五十場，藉此與地方反對力量結合，推翻民進黨政權。

在此條件下，重提萬院計畫，首先將本人在新竹寶山與台南市住所公共化，正式啟動新竹萬院，請年輕一代負責管理。此外，一群社運、文化藝術、民間信仰（藏傳）與思想界的朋友們，決定在我從小長大的台北木柵指南宮旁購置150-200坪的房舍，設立台北萬隆書院。

大陸有萬隆傳統，較各地來的更有實力在高校廣設萬院，同時與各地民間思想界、信仰界結合走出校園。以下僅就交往過的高校與深談過的思想界友人提出建議對成立萬院時的推手： 

北大：戴錦華、王銘銘、渠敬東；程瑩、許亮執行

清華：李強、崔之元；王中忱執行

社科院：黃平、索颯、黃紀蘇、張志強；賀照田、何浩、程凱、李娜執行

首師大：江眉；莫艾執行

北影：

中戲：

陝師大：陳越執行

南大：張異賓、夏鑄九；胡大平執行

上大：王曉明、賈樟柯；楊杙書、高明、朱善杰執行

華師大：雷啟立、呂新雨、毛尖、羅崗、孫曉忠、倪文尖、林哲元執行

上師大：劉大鴻工作室

上戲：方芳、胡昌勇

復旦：王安憶、陳思和；倪偉執行

上交大：善世連、郭良文；邱澎生執行

杭州中國美院：許江、高士明；姚大鈞執行

中大：濱下武治、陳春生、劉志偉；陳美寶、羅成

廈大：陳孔立、鄭振滿；鄭莉、邱士杰執行

深大：郁龍余、曹征路；鍾曉琴執行 

吉隆坡：Jomo K.S., 張永新、魏月萍；黃國富、蘇穎欣執行

檳城：Francis Loh; 張異婷執行

新加坡：蔡明發、Itty Abraham、Kenneth Dean; Jack Qiu

華文地區秘書處：、魏月萍（馬來西亞）、陳昶文(新加坡）、魏迪（中國大陸）、陳光興（台灣） 

     2022年為規劃年，邀請世界各地學者、作家、藝術家、文創組織者在高校駐校訪問、研究、教學，同時展開各項活動： 

1. 亞非拉加計畫：藝術工作者互訪、媒體工作者（電視、紀錄片團隊）至亞非拉非洲進行深度訪談、亞洲內部深入訪談報導
2. 協調成立Council for Social Research in Asia
3. 開拓計劃：2022年赴非洲、東南亞、東北亞、赴阿拉伯世界、加勒比海、俄羅斯、拉美、歐洲、北，進行參訪連結
4. 2022年成立Agon Roundtable；配合萬隆成立的BS，推動各地書院開學、異次元文創中心營運
5. 召開「亞非拉思想界年度會議」
6. 規劃「Another World Center」招生,初步以碩博士班為主，2023年開始運作
7. 2023年成立於泉州BS，連結杭州、北京、上海、南京、深圳、廈門、台北、中壢、金門、新竹、香港、京都、東京、首爾、仁川、濟州島、光州、峇里島、吉隆坡、新加坡、日惹、雅加達德里、巴黎、倫敦、舊金山、紐約、柏林、阿姆斯特丹、北歐、阿迪斯巴巴、開羅、坎帕啦、貝魯特、等地，行程全球性網絡（以上各地已經有初步共識

In the Chinese area, in 2015, we initiated the establishment of BS in Tainan, which was combined with folk beliefs and set up in the Sanshan Kings Temple. Due to the shortage of resources, there is no follow-up plan. Since then, Gao Shiming of the China Academy of Art in Hangzhou, the project of the Asian, African and Latin American Art Center was imagined and planed, but did not advance it.

With a comeback in 2021 this year, we have organized a 4 month ed the "Chen Yingzhen Third World Study Group”. With the support of the Zhongliu Foundation, it has entered the third phase since July. The members come from both sides of the strait, and more than 100 applicants have signed up.

 In response to the reality of Taiwan, the “Total Critique of Culture/Creative Industry”, organized via Neuro-Net (NN) has been launched to challenge the overall situation. There have been more than 20 sessions done so far, and 50 more will be held in various places in Taiwan, Penghu, Jinma and Matsu. This will combine with local opposition forces to challenge and even overthrow the DPP regime.

Under these conditions, the BS Project is now reintroduced. First, Kuan-hsing Chen’s residences in Baoshan and Tainan, are being re-registerd as organized into public ownershi for the younger generation to take charge of the management. In addition, a group of friends from the social movement, culture, art, and ideological circles decided to buy a 150-200 square meter house next to the Guide Palace in Mucha, Taipei where I grew up, and set up Taipei Bandung College.

The mainland has the Bandung tradition, and it is more capable than other places to set up a wide range of colleges and universities, and at the same time integrate with the folk ideology and belief circles to walk out of the campus. The following only proposes suggestions for the establishment of the BS for the colleges and universities I have communicated with and the friends I have discussed in depth: 

2022 is the planning year, inviting scholars from all over the world to visit, research and teach in colleges and universities, and carry out various activities at the same time:

To

1. Asia-Africa-Latin America projec-Carribbean (AALAC)t: exchange visits of art workers, media workers (TV and documentary teams) to Asia, Africa, Latin America and Africa for in-depth interviews, and reports on in-depth interviews within Asia
2. Coordinate the establishment of the Council for Social Research in Asia
3. Development plan: in 2022, go to Africa, Southeast Asia, Northeast Asia, the Arab world, the Caribbean, Russia, Latin America, Europe, North, for visit links
4. Establish Agon Roundtable in 2022; cooperate with the BS established in Bandung to promote the opening of schools in various places and the operation of different-dimensional cultural and creative centers
5. Held the "Annual Conference of Asian, African and Latin American Thought Circles"
6. Planning the enrollment of "Another World Center", initially focusing on master and doctoral programs, and start operations in 2023
7. Established in Quanzhou BS in 2023, connecting Hangzhou, Beijing, Shanghai, Nanjing, Shenzhen, Xiamen, Taipei, Chungli, Kinmen, Hsinchu, Hong Kong, Kyoto, Tokyo, Seoul, Incheon, Jeju Island, Gwangju, Bali, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Yogyakarta, Jakarta, Delhi, Paris, London, San Francisco, New York, Berlin, Amsterdam, Northern Europe, Addis Ababa, Cairo, Kampala, Beirut, and other places, itinerary global network (the above places have a preliminary consensus ) 

異次元中心 AnotherWorldCenter

此中心的設置負責研究教學工作，承續2016年推動整體第三世界行動方案「Another World: Decolonizing the Earth」(異次元世界：瓦解殖民大地)，展開各項活動，包括： 

1. 開辦國際刊物，以Global Bandung 為名，以中英文發行，透過徵稿、講座、論壇、會議、年度講座、左翼訪談舉辦、書系（中英文）出版論壇等，進行、策展、民間串連（廟宇/民間信仰、節慶、
2. 籌辦「二次萬隆」高峰會議思想會議，匯集思想界、運動圈等意見，提交領導人、智庫、民間團體等高峰會議參考。
3. 與各地雙年展合作舉辦「亞洲在亞非拉」、「亞非拉在亞洲」、「萬隆藝術文化、思想、學術組織者論壇」等
4. 2018年「Another World Center」正式招生,碩博士班為主，課程世界史必修，區域史必選至少兩個次區域，其餘按照學生興趣選修，同時與民間思想者合作，指現場授課學習
5. 編纂「世界當代思想讀本」系列，為基本教材 

This center is set up to be responsible for research and teaching work, continuing the 2016 promotion of the overall third world action plan "Another World: Decolonizing the Earth" (different world: decolonizing the earth), and launching various activities, including: 

1. Establish an international publication under the name of Global Bandung, published in both Chinese and English, conduct, curate, and conduct non-governmental collaborations through soliciting contributions, lectures, forums, conferences, annual lectures, left-wing interviews, book series (in Chinese and English) publishing forums, etc. Lian (temples/folk beliefs, festivals,
2. Organize the thought meeting of the "Second Bandung" summit to gather opinions from ideological circles and sports circles, and submit them to the summit meeting of leaders, think tanks, and non-governmental organizations for reference.
3. Cooperate with biennials in various places to organize "Asia in Asia, Africa and Latin America", "Asia, Africa and Latin America in Asia", "Bandung Art Culture, Thought, Academic Organizer Forum", etc.
4. In 2018, "Another World Center" will be officially enrolled. Master and doctoral classes are the main courses. The course world history is compulsory. At least two sub-regions of regional history must be selected.
5. Compiled the "World Contemporary Thought Reader" series as the basic textbook 

步驟與方式 

1. 2021十月底前萬隆書院在萬隆書院正式成立，掛牌，成為各地BS的秘書處/總部，其他準備好的地區加入正式成立，為準備好的一籌備處方式掛牌。各地內部展開BS討論，以接地氣聯結各國BS為原則 

2. 2021/10/1 BS2021開始啟動國際論壇，以學術演講/回應方式世界頂尖思想家來展開；圓桌論壇，以參與BS籌建人員為主，諮詢資深思想者； 

2. 同時發動以展演形式開啟活動，各地廟宇、音樂、劇場、視覺藝術進行；讀書會，以第三世界思想性小說家作品為中心，帶動對不同地區的歷史認識，形成參照 

3. 即日起萬隆的萬隆書院總部（BBSH）開始籌組2016年後二次「世界文化論壇」，2022年七月於萬隆召開，藉以推動BS各地成立，同時開始吸納二次萬隆會議的意見 

4. 2021/21/15前，形成行動研究小組：a 疫情的現在與未來；b 疫情與精神疾病；c 如何在現實中跨越民族國家；d 移工與民族國家；e 批判性數碼研究行動群；f 全球高校評比及其禍害研究組； g 區域共同體與全球政經體制再分配研究組；h 區域性文創產業與思想共同平台研究組；i 防藍光運動組；重新思想農業社會世界觀研究群；世界大轉變中情勢下的社會變革（工農兵、資本、國家、環境、動物等）；全球區域發展與一帶一路、新海洋計畫、新絲路計畫等如何整合等 

4. 2022三月，以高校為基地的BS開始掛牌運作，同時召開二次萬隆會議思想界、民間團體、智庫等論壇 

5. 2022九月月，由印尼、中國、埃及、印度等國家領導人出面邀請區域政府負責人，召開二次萬隆會議準備會 

7. 2023一月，各地準備好的BS正式共同招考研究生 

8. 2023六月，正式召開萬隆會議 

Processes and modes of operation 

1. By the end of October 2021 BS will be officially established in Bandung, and will become the secretariat/headquarters of BS in various regions. More prepared regions will join the formal establishment, and will be listed as a preparatory office. BS discussions are carried out in various regions, and the principle of connecting the BS of various countries is based on the principle of grounding gas 

2. On October 1, 2021, BS will start the international forum, which will be conducted by the world's top thinkers in the form of academic speeches/responses; the round table forum will mainly involve the participants in the preparation of BS and consult senior thinkers; 

2. At the same time, launching activities in the form of exhibitions, temples, music, theaters, and visual arts in various places; book clubs, centered on the works of third-world intellectual minded novelists, driving to beigin the historical understanding of different regions and forming multiple systems of reference 

3. From now on, the BS Headquarters (BBSH) in Bandung began to organize the second "World Cultural Forum" after 2016, which will be held in Bandung in July 2022 to promote the establishment of BS in various places and start to absorb the second Bandung Conference opinions from the meeting 

4. Before 2021/21/15, action research teams will be formed: a. The present and future of the epidemic; b. The epidemic and mental illness; c. How to overcome and transform the limits of the nation-states system in reality; d. Migration and beyond the nation-states; e Critical Digital Research Action Group ; F Global University Ranking and Its Harmful Impacts Research Group; g Regional Community and Global Political and Economic System Redistribution Research Group; h Regional Cultural and Creative Industries and Public Platform Research Group; i Anti-Blue Light (Dimlight Movement) Campaign Group; j. Rethinking Agararian Social World View Research Group ; Social reform in the context of the world's great transformation (workers, peasants, soldiers, capitals, local communities, environment, animals, etc.); k how to integrate global regional planning imagination with the Belt and Road Initiative, the New Ocean Plan, and the New Silk Road Project, etc. l What is to be done with future world? To be proposed to the Second Bandung Conference 

4. In March 2022, the university-based BS began to operate, and the second Bandung Conference forums such as thought circles, non-governmental organizations and think tanks were held at the same time 

5. In September 2022, leaders of Indonesia, China, Egypt, India and other countries will invite the heads of regional governments to hold the second Bandung Conference preparation meeting 

7. In January 2023, BS prepared by various places will officially recruit graduate students. 

8. In June 2023, the Bandung Conference was officially held 

結語 Endnote

理所當然的，萬隆書院啟動的地點在印尼萬隆，我們曾經在當地農運領袖Noer Racumen與現在的文化教育部執行長Hilmar Farid也（是總統內部智庫主席）的邀請下訪問萬隆，根據他們的講法，幾年的準備後，現在他們準備隨時啟動這個計畫。

過去我們曾經在「西天中土」的實踐中提出：當中國與印度站在一起的時候，世界會改變。要認清的客觀局面是：超英趕美的時代已經像是輕舟已過萬重山不服重返，我們要將眼光從對手放回到彼此關心的朋友們身上；今天除去印度之外，一帶一路如果不只是過剩資本、勞動力的輸出，而是真能夠更廣泛與第三世界大大小小的伙伴攜手通行、經過充分的討論草案、協商與配合、形成取得落實方案的共識時，那天來臨時，將不僅是中國／亞洲興起的貢獻，也意味著這個世界已經改變了。

Of course, BS must be started , Indonesia. We visited Bandung at the invitation of local peasant movement leader Noer Racumen and now General Secretary of the Ministry of Culture and Education Hilmar Farid (the chairman of the president’s internal think tank). According to them After several years of preparation, they are now ready to start this project at any time. A second round of World Culture Forum, first done in Bali 2015, is being considered as a step towards organizing the second Bandung Conference

In the past we have put forward in the practice of "Western Heaven" a slogan: When China and India stand together, the world will change. The objective situation to be recognized is: the era of surpassing Britain and catching up with the United States is like a light boat that has passed the ten thousand mountains and reluctantly returns. It’s not just the export of excess capital and labor, but it’s really being able to go hand in hand with partners in the Third World more extensively, after full discussion of drafts, consultations and cooperation, and reaching a consensus on the implementation of the plan. Not only is it a contribution to the rise of China/Asia, it also means that the world has changed.

指南宮萬隆書院募款在即Donation for establishing BS by Guide Palace （Zhinan Temple)

2021年八月間，我與屋主黃先生見面後，談的很投機，他願意將原先售價820萬台幣，降為710萬，之後與幾位朋友（前電影資料館館長、南藝大教授井迎瑞；列夫特文化負責人、知名導演、作家、工農運動家黃志翔；工運領導人、南藝大教授吳永毅、同志運動開創者、中央大學教授丁乃非；工運領導人、名嘴鄭村棋；兩岸最具影響力的運動領導人、輔仁大學教授、北京師大訪問教授夏林清、知名評論家、政大新聞傳播學院院長郭力昕、媒體政治經濟學開創者、登山家、政大教授馮建三、台灣文化獨立研究者、運動組織者蔡依伶；回收專家、海筆子劇場成員許雅紅等，在指南宮相聚，實地勘查這棟約150-200坪的房舍，這個四層樓的建築無需做任何的整修，每層樓均有套間，內部裝潢完整，有二三時樽石佛、石頭茶桌等，連同房舍一起自售；視野開闊，戶外有古涼亭供使用，整個台北市盡收眼底，觀看後引發熱烈討論，最後好友馮建三建議「一人一萬」籌集資金，擴大參與陳映真讀書會的成員談過後，她們建議「量力而為」。

陳映真讀書會第二期9/12結束，的成員已經成立工作小組，推動指南宮與未來計畫，成員包括：童詠偉（台北；留法影像工作者）、莊抒晴（台北；移工運動）、吳思鋒（宜蘭；劇場）、黃雲起（宜蘭；劇場、小農）、蔡依伶（台北；NN組織者、獨立文學研究）、段惠明（台北；劇場工作者、舞者、流民客棧老闆）、林亞橋（台南；社運、成大博士生）、馬代涵（上海大學碩士生）、徐子羿（杭州國美博士生）、梅之險（北京；中國社科院博士生）。 

我個人已經繳交11萬元押金，與屋主的承諾延長是九月24日為截止日，資金必須到位，如果願意支持這個計畫，情於九月24日中午十二點前匯入：

159540376695

陳光興 Kuan-Hsing Chen

 Keboguan Branch

403台中市西區台灣大道二段239號

No. 239, Taiwan Avenue, West District, Taichung, Taiwan 403

Swift CTCBTWTP 822 7159

30845台灣新竹寶山水線路168巷59號

In August 2021, after I met with the owner, Mr. Huang, the talk was very speculative. He was willing to reduce the original price of NT$8.2 million to 7.1 million. Ying Rui; leader of Left culture, well-known director, writer, worker and peasant activist Huang Zhixiang; leader of the labor movement, professor of Nanyi University Wu Yongyi, pioneer of the gay movement, professor of Central University Ding Naifei; leader of labor movement, famous mouth Zhengcun Chess; Xia Linqing, the most influential sports leader on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, a professor at Fu Jen Catholic University, a visiting professor at Beijing Normal University, a well-known critic, Guo Lixin, the dean of the School of Journalism and Communication of the National Chengchi University, the pioneer of media politics and economics, a mountaineer, and Feng Jiansan, a professor at the National Chengchi University, Taiwanese culture Cai Yiling, an independent researcher and campaign organizer; Xu Yahong, a recycling expert and member of the Haibizi Theater, met at the Guide Palace to investigate the 150-200 pings house on the spot. This four-story building does not require any renovations. There are suites on each floor with complete interior decoration. There are two or three hour stone Buddhas, stone tea tables, etc., which are sold together with the house; the view is wide, and there is an ancient pavilion for use outdoors, and the entire Taipei city has a panoramic view. Afterwards, heated discussions arose. In the end, my friend Feng Jiansan suggested that "one person 10,000" raise funds and expand participation in Chen Yingzhen's book club.

     The second phase of the Chen Yingzhen Book Club ended on 9/12. The members have set up a working group to start the operation in Guide Palace and the future plan. The members include: Tong Yongwei (Taipei; video worker in France), Zhuang Shuqing (Taipei; Migration Movement), Wu Sifeng (Yilan; theater), Huang Yunqi (Yilan; theater, small farmers), Cai Yiling (Taipei; NN organizer, independent literature research), Duan Huiming (Taipei; theater worker, dancer, refugee inn owner), Lin Yaqiao (Tainan; society) Yun, National Cheng Kung University doctoral student), Ma Daihan (Shanghai University master student), Xu Ziyi (Hangzhou Gome doctoral student), Mei Zhixian (Beijing; Chinese Academy of Social Sciences doctoral student). 

I have personally paid a deposit of 110,000 yuan, and the extension of my commitment with the owner is September 24 as the deadline. The funds must be in place. If one is willing to support this project, please send it I before 12 noon on September 24: 

159540376695

Chen Guangxing Kuan-Hsing Chen

China Trust Bank CTBC Bank

Keboguan Branch Keboguan Branch

No. 239, Section 2, Taiwan Avenue, West District, Taichung City, 403

No. 239, Taiwan Avenue, West District, Taichung, Taiwan 403

Swift CTCBTWTP 822 7159

No. 59, Lane 168, Baoshan Water Circuit, Hsinchu 30845, Taiwan    

簡介 Autobio

自稱萬隆份子的思想運動組織者，陳光興（Kuan-Hsing Chen）是新竹亞太／文化研究中心負責人，曾任教於紐約市立大學皇后學院、新竹交通大學、清華大學，並於加州大學柏克萊分校、延世大學、北京清華大學、新加坡國立大學（二次四年）、上海大學、嶺南大學、烏干達Makerere大學、美國杜克大學、東京大學、九州大學、立民館大學、密西根大學、加州大學聖塔克魯茲分校、曼谷朱拉隆功大學、印度社會與文化研究中心等重要學府任訪問教授，已在未來三年應聘為牙買加西印度大學、伊斯坦堡Bilgi大學、烏干達Makerere大學、京都大學等。他的近期著作包括《陳映真的第三世界：五十年代左翼份子的昨日今生》(2015)、《去帝國──亞洲作為方法》(2006)。有(2011)《脱 帝国 方法としてのアジア》，丸川哲史譯，東京：以文社；Asia as method: towards Deimperialization (Duke University press, 2010)，《去帝國──亞洲作為方法》(2006)、《帝國之眼》（2003，首爾：創批，韓文版）、《媒體/文化批判的人民民主主逃逸路線》(1992)；共同編有Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies (1996)、Trajectories: Inter-Asia Cultural Studies (1998)、《瓦解殖民世界：非洲思想家Mahmood Mamdani讀本》(2016)，《陳映真：思想與文學》(2011)，《白樂晴──分斷體制．民族文學》(2010)，《重新思考中國革命──溝口雄三的歷史方法分》(2010)、《異議──台社思想讀本》(2008)、 Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Reader (2007)、《Partha Chatterjee 講座: 發現政治社會：國家暴力、現代性與後殖民民主》(2000)。近年來，他參與推動「西天中土──印中社會思想對話」(2010-)與「亞洲現代思想計畫」(2012-)，近年來，他參與推動「西天中土──印中社會思想對話」(2010-)與「亞洲現代思想計畫」(2012-)，成立亞際書院，任創院理事長，於上海雙年展策展「2012亞洲思想界上海論壇」與「亞國際雙年展」(2014-)，於亞洲各地組織「2015萬隆/第三世界六十年」系列論壇(2015－7)。他目前正參與推動「瓦解殖民大地：一個接地氣的世界思想運動」方案，以在世界各地普設萬隆書院為方法，試圖因應數碼時代中知識與思想的重建；在台灣2021年啟動Neuro Netwk (NN 精神網），以「文創總批判」。他是《台灣社會研究季刊》的成員，Inter-Asia Cultural Studies: Movements國際刊物共同主編與《人間思想》刊的共同主編，曾經製作。他是作家、編輯、收藏家、文化組織折、策展人、卡拉OK歌手、iPhone攝影師、藏傳佛隨緣弟子。

A self-proclaimed Bandungist intellectualmovement organizer, Kuan-Hsing Chen is the head of the Hsinchu Asia-Pacific/Cultural Research Center. Taught in Queens College (New York City University), Yonsei University, Beijing Tsinghua University, National University of Singapore (two four years), Shanghai University, Lingnan University, Makerere University in Uganda, Duke University, University of Tokyo, Kyushu University, Liminkan University, University of Michigan, Visiting professors at important institutions such as the University of California Santa Cruz, Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, and the Center for Social and Cultural Studies in India. He has applied for the University of the West Indies in Jamaica, Bilgi University in Istanbul, Makerere University in Uganda, and Kyoto in the next three years. University etc. His recent books include "Chen Yingzhen's Third World: The Leftist's Yesterday and This Life in the 1950s" (2015) and "Going to Empire-Asia as a Method" (2006). Yes (2011) "The Method of Deimperialization and Deimperialization", translated by Tetsushi Marukawa, Tokyo: Ibunsha; Asia as method: towards Deimperialization (Duke University press, 2010), "Deimperialization-Asia as a Method" (2006), "Eye of Empire" (2003, Seoul: Critical, Korean version), "The Escape Route of the People's Democrats Criticized by Media/Cultural" (1992); co-edited by Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies (1996), Trajectories: Inter-Asia Cultural Studies (1998), "Disintegration of the Colonial World: African Thinker Mahmood Mamdani's Reader" (2016), "Chen Yingzhen: Thought and Literature" (2011), "Bai Leqing-Breaking the System. National Literature” (2010), “Rethinking the Chinese Revolution: Yuzo Mizoguchi’s Historical Methodology” (2010), “Dissent-Taiwan Society Thought Reader” (2008), Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Reader (2007), “Partha Chatterjee Lecture: Discovering Political Society: National Violence, Modernity and Postcolonial Democracy" (2000). In recent years, he has participated in the promotion of "Western Tianzhongtu-India-China Social Thought Dialogue" (2010-) and "Asian Modern Thought Project" (2012-). In recent years, he has participated in promoting "Western Tianzhongtu-India-China Society" "Ideological Dialogue" (2010-) and "Asian Modern Thought Project" (2012-), established the Asian International Academy, served as the chairman of the founding academy, and curated the "2012 Asian Thoughts Shanghai Forum" and "Asia International" at the Shanghai Biennale "Biennale" (2014-), organized the "2015 Bandung/Sixty Years of the Third World" series of forums (2015-7) throughout Asia. He is currently participating in the promotion of the "Disintegration of the Colonial Land: A Grounded World Ideological Movement", which uses the universal establishment of Bandung College in all parts of the world to try to respond to the reconstruction of knowledge and ideas in the digital age; launching Neuro-Net in Taiwan in 2021 (NN Spirit Network), based on "General Criticism of Cultural and Creative Industries." He is a member of the "Taiwan Social Studies Quarterly", the co-editor of Inter-Asia Cultural Studies: Movements and the co-editor of "Human Thoughts". He has produced. He is a writer, editor, collector, cultural organization, curator, karaoke singer, iPhone photographer, and disciple of the Tibetan Buddhst.

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